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Labour Party Pakistan National Conference 2007

 

27 October 2007

 

From: farooq tariq

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan National Conference 2007 

9-10-11th November 2007 Toba Tek Singh

Labour Party Pakistan will hold its fourth national conference on 9-10-11th November 2007 at Toba Tek Singh, a district at central Punjab.

The conference was originally scheduled for 20-23rd March 2007. It was postponed to take part effectively in the advocate’s movement. The decision paid off. LPP participation in the advocate movement is very well appreciated by many among the movement. Several comrades were arrested during the movement and LPP took part in almost all the demonstrations of the advocate movement across the country.

The conference political document is been discussed by the units of LPP in different part of the country at present. The units will also elect the delegates to represent their areas in the congress. 

The political agenda include:

1.      International Perspectives:

2.      Latin America, revolutionary politics and movements:

3.      Climate Change and environment destruction:

4.      Revolutionary politics in South Asia and perspectives:

5.      Pakistan presents political and economical situation and perspectives:

6.      Need for Study Circles:

7.      Labour Party Pakistan organization Report and priorities

8.      Elections: National Committee 

 

The LPP conference will also vote some of the constitutional amendments proposed to improve the LPP internal democracy. It include proposal that no office bearer of the LPP will be elected for more than two terms that is four years.

It will also discuss the proposals to change the structure of the office bearers. The proposal is made by the National Committee of LPP to the congress that in future only  secretaries should be elected, it include elections of secretary Labour, Peasant, Youth and Women and general secretary.

 

This is to invite you to attend the congress. It will give you a chance to meet first hand with those who are working in extreme difficult situation to build Socialist alternative.

 The congress proceedings will be in Urdu but there will translations available in English language.  

If you are unable to attend the congress, please send a message of solidarity to the congress to be read out in the congress.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Not arrested yet  but facing dangerous situation

The day seventh in under ground life

 

10 November 2007 08:07:57 GMT

 

 By: Farooq Tariq

 

The day seventh passed without my arrest despite several attempt by the police. During the last three days, we were able to hold a meeting of the leading members of Labour Party Pakistan, gave interviews to private television channels and to a private team working for CNN. We were able to fax a daily news to most of the news papers in Pakistan. \

 

 

Comrade Rabia Shahzadi advocate from LPP was on front pages of many papers after she threw stones on police who was tear gassing the Lahore High Court premises on Monday 5th November. A show of retaliation among the young advocates inspired many

 

Unfortunately, Labour Party Pakistan chairperson Nisar Shah Advocate was arrested in Islamabad on 7th November along some party activists after he led a demonstration of lawyers despite all the police threats. Nisar Shah is an advocate of High Court. He had practices for 10 years in Karachi. After the devastating earthquake in October 2005, he moved for two years to Kashmir. He originally comes from Kashmir and his village was also hard hit by the earth quack including loss of lives of his close relatives. He was asked by Labour Relief Campaign to move back to Kashmir to look after the work of relief and reconstruction. He helped successfully build 100 homes  withing three months of the earthquake, the first one to be completed with the help of Action Aid International and Shirkat Ghah, a radical women NGO in Pakistan. He is in process of building the first Kashmir Labour Center at Paniola where a good piece of land is donated by locals for the construction of the   first ever to be constructed labour center in Kashmir.

 

 

(Nisah Shah picture at BBC website after he led a demonstration in Islamabad, he was arrested next day)

 

He was recently asked by LPP to be in Rawalpindi and Islamabad to help build the social and political movement. He had started working as advocate in Islamabad to be more close to the advocates in movement. Here he is arrested after few days of public rebellion.

 

During the last three days of my underground life from 7TH November to 10th today till this morning , I was able to stay three nights at friend house with utmost security measures. I wan not on line from the house and did not made a single telephone contact from any number and sim from the house.  I was walking to a marker around a kilometer to make telephone contacts and to open the mail for few minutes.

 

I would on my black berry and download all the emails at this place within minutes and then off the air.

 

Immediately after the first encounter on the police on 6th November, When I was just saved, I changed my name on the telephone line. I would call only very close comrades and friends from different sims within these days. This has helped to secure me for the time being.

On 8th November, while I was walking back to my place while I had covered my head with cap and to some extent my face with growing beard, suddenly one police van stopped next to me and it was red traffic signal. The police officer looked at my face with a full glimpse for few seconds. I thought he is trying to recognize my face that he might have seen some where. I was afraid that he will now come out. I had planned to run in case he comes out. In the mean time my face was just blank and I did not give him any impression of being afraid or saying him hello that I know him. I tread him with a full confidence of not knowing him at all.  The drama was over in 20 seconds and I walked normally as I nothing has happened. As he moved away, I changed the rout immediately and started running in the next street to move away to another street.

 

The area I was staying was full police petrol all the time for many reasons. But It was only two times That I will come out of my place and walk to different net cafes for the email checking and writings. Although, my friend house had all the modern multi media facilities, but we had agreed that I will not be on line from the house.

 

We had also chalked out an escape plan in case of police at the house. He has told me several ways to leave the house from back doors. But I suggested that if police comes from the back sides as well, I will court arrest without resistance. We also discussed that while escaping from the back doors, I will try to do the room as no one was living here. I must tell you that I carry no bag, no cloths, wherever I go, I borrow cloths for the night from my friends and in the meantime, I get my cloth washed to wear it again next morning.

 

My friend knew that in many normal cases, when ever police come to house and do not find the person, they want to arrest, they take the house boss, the house made or any house adult apart from the women. My friend still took the risk and did not for a single moment tried to make me aware that he is doing something extra ordinary in my case.

 

The good news within three days was the changing attitude of Benazir Bhutto about the present with the present military regime. She has tried in exile to deal for a power sharing formula with military regime. But while in Pakistan, there was suicidal attack on her rally leaving over 200 dead. There was a massive negative campaign by the chief minister of Punjab against Benazir Bhutto during the time. Then Musharraf announced the emergency on 3rd November without her consent apparently. Most of the arrested advocates were from her party. It was all two much. While the first three days, arrests were made of any PPP activists but it all changed with Benazir coming openly against the military regime on emergency.

 

Her changing attitude was welcome by us in press releases and I announced in the media that LPP will participate with the long March planned for 13th November by PPP from Lahore to Islamabad. Although we had a severe criticism of her polices during the last months, because of soft corner about the regime, but we did go for the so-called conspiracies theories about Benazir and Musharraf being friends but hypocritically opposing each other to restore the respect of Benazir as a popular leader and the one who fight for democracy in any case.

 

Benazir oppositional statements against the regime have meant arrests of hundreds of PPP activists and their houses raided all over. It meant that Musharraf loosing friends and the opposition is growing.

 

On 9th November, when we would have been holding our fourth national conference, seven of us traveled hours to meet each other for a meeting at safe place to chart out our future strategies. We faxed press releases, invited a team of television team working for several channels including CNN to interview us and film how we are working in underground. They had made a contact with a friend to make a film of the activist working in under ground. They filmed our deserted but functioning office in the center of Lahore and they came to us. We have to take extra ordinary safety measures to bring them safely to the place we were working. After the filming of our activities within a room and a chat with us and not of the area or the house, we decided to leave the place immediately to avoid any unpleasant incident. But these two were our trusted friends for long time.

 

Earlier on day, I went to my home for 15 minutes after my partner Shahnaz told me that my son Abdullah is missing me very much. This was done after making sure that no one from the police in uniform or in plain cloths are around the place. I was here after seven days even I was in the same city Lahore. They were all happy and in absolute high spirit. No complaints and no hard talk. My son (7) asked me to stay home but When I explained what would happened, he still did not agree and told me that I will speak to you. But my daughter Mashal told me it will be ok and you can leave. In all seven days, I spoke once a day with my partner on telephone briefly. I changed my cloths and left happily.

 

I have changed my outlook after I was to a hairdressing person on 8th November after the chance meeting with a police officer. Although I had not many hairs anyhow but now it is totally different. It had not make much difference to my outlook but I had to do something, may be to satisfy myself alone.

 

There was some pleasant moments on 8th November afternoon when BBC and CNN were back to the air in Pakistan for the time being. I say Lucy Dousset of BBC broadcasting live programme from Islamabad. She only comes to a country with a grave situation and her arrival is an indication of the seriousness of the situation. I was happy to see LPP chairperson chanting slogans in Islamabad before his arrest. They tried to interview Asma Jahanghir at her place where is detained but only could speak for a few moment before they were whisked away by police. I got a message from Asma yesterday that I be in underground in any case and organize the movement.

 

Happy to see today’s papers with LPP news items welcoming the long arch of PPP, condemning all the arrests, demanding an immediate release and solidarity with the striking media people. The LPP news printed in daily Waqat today is an appeal to all the trade unions, working class and peasantry to join the advocate movement. First of such appeal appearing the main news media after the emergency is imposed. We have to rely on the print media for promoting our ideas rather than on electronic media which is off the air.

 

I also contacted some of the main trade union leaders to be involved in the campaign. Maybe some positive response will come. Some of the trade union leaders in Karachi have already been arrested. A trade unions, left parties and radical social movement in Karachi on 7th November has condemned the imposition of emergency and decided to participate in the movement.

 

On 9th November, our left alliance Awami Jamhoori Thereek meeting in Lahore could not agree on a day of action but agree to mobilize the masses. One of our leading comrades attended the meeting and put forward an idea of a day of united action across Pakistan. Two of the main leaders and members central committee of AJT, Yousaf Masti Khan (National Workers Party) and Nisar Shah (Laour Party Pakistan) are already in jail. Police is raiding the houses of many AJT leaders. Bilal Minto, son of Abid Hassan Minto the president of National Workers Party and convener of AJT has spent three days in jail before he was released alongside with other 70 social activists. He is teacher at elite university Lahore University of Management and Sciences (LUMS). The arrest of the three radical teachers alongside with him sparked a movement of students at the university.

 

According to one press report, over 5000 have been arrested so far in the movement. There are not enough places in the jails to accommodate all the political prisoners. Temporary camps have been set up in different jails. Many private houses have been declared as sub jails to put the prisoners. The prisoners are not been allowed visits by their relatives. No private food allowed for these prisoners. While I had been a recent guest at different jails during the last three months, I could imagine very well the plight of these arrested ones. Our hearts are with them. Sacrifices for democracy and socialism will not go in vain. We will get rid of the military dictatorship soon; I am convinced by the recent developments. How? We do not know but we will do it through our mass movement and sacrifices.

 

Run For your Life

11th day in underground life

 

15th November

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

On 14th November, around 4.45pm, I had just got off a public bus and went to a net café. The owner told me that speed is very low and there is no use of sitting here.  I went to another one, not far from the first place, the same answer. I came back to the main road to fetch a bus or take a rickshaw; I had not made up my mind where to go from here.

 

A police van came with several police men sitting in front and on the back seats. I saw them and tried to hide myself but they were there. The police constable sitting on the front seat and the driver were the same who had arrested me from my home on3rd June 2007. I immediately recognized them and had gone two feet behind a rickshaw.

 

The police constable recognized me as well but may be, it took him few more second to come to conclusion that it is me. I had a Peshawari cap on my head and Punjabi Parna (a sort of long cotton shawl to cover your head and body) on my shoulder. I was also wearing new glasses, not my usual glasses.

 

The Peshawri hat was just given to me by a comrade where we had meeting in the morning. As I was leaving the meeting place the comrade told me that the present arrangement to change your self is insufficient, why do not you take a Peshawari cap. I said yes but I can not find one. He said there is one at my place and my father used it. He asked his father for permission to give it to me and the old man was quite happy to assist me in this way.

 

As I went to the back of the rickshaws, I saw him asking the other to get off the police van. Here I had to decide what to do. It took maybe part of a second in my mind to decide that run for your life. It was the quickest reaction time. I started running and the police constables then jumped to their van to follow me.

 

I turned to one street an then to the next one, while turning inside to the first street available from the main road, I saw the police van coming to this side. This was one of my fine fast running, not on my usual running machine with 12 kilometer an hour, but may be over 20 kilometer an hour. I turned to second on and to the third one. I did not know the area very well. I had been to the area but not like this. I did not know where to go forward. People in street were watching with surprise what is happening.  I was thinking to see an open door and jump inside but that was also not insight. It was like kilometer run.

 

I stopped for a second and suddenly, there was a person saying to me hello Farooq, how are you, he recognized me. He was walking in the street while I stopped for a while. I recognized him but the name did not come to my mind. I told him please get me inside a home immediately, police is after me. He did not hesitate for a second and it was like the third house that he asked me come in. He closed the door immediately and asked me to sit in a room. The door of the house closed but not locked so we just went in for no time.

 

Aslam, (a fake name) was here as teacher for two children. He had just finished his teaching and was leaving for his place. I knew him from early nineties. He was an industrial worker and then went to study and completed his master degree, a rare thing to happen here from a worker, and was a regular professor in a college at present time. He used to come to our study circles at the time. I had lost the contact and did not even remember him name when we met yesterday. He was happy to safe me for a while but worried what if the home boss come to know who I am. In the mean time, we heard the police van passing by. I was offered a glass of water.

 

He started teaching the two young students again and posing that something was missing from that day of the tuition. We needed that few decisive minutes to pass by safely.  After fifteen minutes, he told me that there is another comrade living in this area. He has built a house recently, why do not we go there and you can leave afterwards. Aslam went out to see if police is still there. After being satisfied, we left the house to go the next street. The comrade was there fortunately and he did not recognize me. As soon as I took off my cap, he was bloody pleased and we had good tea and chat at his place.

 

 Two years earlier, one of my closest friends from childhood, Mohammed Amjad told me in Amsterdam that I am going to die soon. He was always very straight to friends. Amjad was one of the original “gang of four” who started our group Struggle in 1980 during our exile period. He opted to stay in Netherlands and was running a Pizzeria restaurant in Amsterdam. He had checked my blood pressure, it was 160 110. My weight was around 89 kilograms and my belly was getting out of control. He said that I do not take care of my health, “how the revolution will come if I die early and not because God wanted it but because of my carelessness”. He warned me.

 

I always had good respect of him. I told him that I will do my best to change my shape and body. He gifted me a machine to check my blood pressure. I bought an exercise machine and started running on it gradually to six kilometers day, some time on 12 kilometers an hour speed. It changed my life. I would get up early. No dizzy days, I was active like I was in seventies and eighties. I reduced my weight by seven kilograms and sustained it. Exercise has become part of my life but with intervals of going to jail or visits.

 

It paid off yesterday. I was running like a teenage although I am 52 now. I was confident that they can not catch me. I was doing my regular exercise may be for this day alone. I had run for my life successfully.

 

I am not afraid of being arrested. I have faced police several times and was arrested without running. Most of my arrests were calculated risks. But now, my task is to organize the movement rather than going to jail as a defiant act by LPP. Chairperson LPP, Nisar Shah is already in jail. His arrest pictures made headline internationally and inside. He was arrested while fighting with police and resisting. He kept the revolutionary traditions and culture of resistance set by LPP and other revolutionaries during the last eight years in Pakistan and internationally.

 

But I do not want to be arrested at the time set by police and the state. Our effort is to set the agenda ourselves. Let us see how far this goes on.

 

It was around five pm already. I called some friends from my new sim. There was going to be a press conference at 4pm with LPP main leadership present at Lahore Press Club. I had called to a comrade at 4.35 to check if everything ha gone alright. She told me that it is ok and there was good press present and no arrest is been made while they were coming to the press conference. The press conference was addressed by Abid Hasan Minto, convener of the Left alliance and a very respected leftwing leader of Pakistan.

 

Around 2pm, while I was downloading my emails on my blackberry in a running bus, I got a call from Asharaf Chadar, the police officer in charge of LPP office area. He asked me what is planning of today’s activity. We had issued a press release of the press conference and possibility of a demonstration inside the Press Club building to avoid the arrests.

 

When I told about the press conference, he told me point blank,  I will arrest every one coming to the demonstration. I had some good personal relationship with this police officer. He was the one who had arrested me from my office on 3rd May and kept me well at the police station for three days.

 

I asked him if he is ok and recovered and has come out of the hospital, he was injured on 5th November after the advocates retaliated to police tear gassing. I also told him that we do not police to beat us and we do not want to stone the police. He said yes I do not want that either but I am doing my job and not pleasantly. I asked him not to arrest any one coming for the press conference and I guarantee that there will be no demonstration today by us. I wanted to make sure that we are in the media on the question of emergency and our strategies.

 

We agreed on this and I called the comrades to tell that they can have safe press conference today but do not go for the demonstration. The bus was running and I stopped my regular mobile and went off the next bus stop. I could not trust any police officer. It was this background that I wanted to check if everything ha gone alright at the press conference and the police officer has kept his words. He did.

 

I left area after an hour at a rickshaw and decided that no more public buses to travel. I have now made alternative arrangements to travel inside the city that is more secure and safe apparently. 

 

Earlier on the day, some of the leading members of LPP met and had a political discussion on the situation. It was agreed that Musharaf dictatorship is becoming more and more isolated. He is been facing a lot of criticism at home and abroad. We agreed under such repressive situation, LPP will not take part in the coming elections but will be part of the movement to overthrow the regime. We agreed to welcome Benazir Bhutto pleasant U turn against the military dictatorship and decided to contact PPP for a broader front alongside with Left and progressive forces. We also agreed on some actions.

 

We congratulated the young female activists to produce the two editions of our weekly paper Workers Struggle despite all the threats and intimidations.

 

I had to be more careful after the arrest of Imran Khan and other political leaders during the day. The police is haunting all the political activists like anything.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Meeting Benazir Bhutto: 14th Day in underground life


 

Fri, 16 Nov 2007

By: Farooq Tariq

 

I got a call at 7pm on 16th November from Asma Jehanghir office, “you must come tonight at 9pm at her place for an important meeting”. Chairperson of the most prestigious social institution Human Rights Commission of Pakistan  (HRCP), Asma Jehanghir was just released a day earlier from her house detention. I had many second thoughts of going their. “Police must be there and so on”. But, then decided to go in any case. I knew that it is something very important that is why only two hours earlier I have been contacted.

            

While at Asma residence, a constable stopped me and asked why you have come. If I would have come in a car, he might not ask that question. But I was on a motorbike with my helmet on. I told him to open the gate and I am invited by Asma to come here. He reluctantly opened the gate.

 

Inside, there were all the sign of an important meeting. Private guard, HRCP staff and others were there to check who have come. I was immediately told by Nadeem Anthony, the public relation officer of Asma that Benazir Bhutto is coming for meeting the civil society activists.

 

Inside the meeting room, there were several of close friends. Dr. Mehdi Hasan, a radical professor at a private university, he was instrumental in Farooq Sulehria radical shaping, Rabia Bajwa, the women advocate who has made headlines with her commitment to the advocate movement, My colleague and teacher in journalism from the seventies, Hussain Naqi, Fareda Shaheed, Gulnar and Mumtaz Khawar of Shirkat Ghah, a radical women NGO, Neelum Hussain from Seemorg, another women NGO, Journalist Abbas Rashid, Imtiaz Alam of South Asia Freem Medi Association (SAFMA), Samina Rehman and Rashid Rehman, aunt and father of Timur Reham of Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party (CMKP) Afrasayb Khatak of Awami National Party, leaders of Punjab Union of Journalist and several more were there.

 

Before Benazir Bhottu arrival, we were seated by Asma choice and I was among those sitting in the front row of 12.

 

Asma distributed a letter that was to be handed over to Benazir Bhutto titled “road map for democratic transition”. There was some discussion on the letter anf following 9 point agenda was approved

1-     A democratic transition and a free and fair election are not possible under a government headed by General Musharaf in any capacity. He must resign from all offices forthwith along with the caretaker administration put in place by him.

2-     The country must retune to constitutional rule for which the immediate lifting of the state of emergency and restoration of fundamental rights is a prerequisite.

3-     The judiciary must be restored.

4-     All curbs on media must end.

5-     All detainees including judges, lawyers, political activists, students and human rights defenders must be released and charges dropped.

6-     Amendments made to the 1952 Army Act by Musharaf must be immediately withdrawn.

7-     And independent and credible Election Commission must be constituted.

8-     The spread of violence by non state actors across the country has to be effectively countered through all possible means within the ambit of the law.

9-     And independent commission must be formed to investigate widespread incidents of Disappearances, Torture and Arbitrary detentions during the Musharaf period.

 

There was some analysis of the present situation as well in the letter. We had some more suggestion on the conditions of the working class and polices of the present regime, but it were explained that we are only focusing the present situation and do not want to present a long letter. The letter was unanimously accepted as letter from the civil society organizations and individuals.

 

Benazir Bhutto arrived and media wanted a talk earlier than the meeting proceedings could start. She spoke to them briefly. I was meeting her first time after 1998 when a similar but a brief group of civil society organization met her in Islamabad before she went into exile on the question of the Shariat Bill that Nawaz Sharif government wanted to introduce in the parliament. We asked her to lend her support against this bill. It was a good meeting and we had a brief chat between two of us as she recognized me from my days of exile.

 

Benazir Bhottu was now an aging politician with some white hairs and looked tired. The meeting started with Asma explaining the reasons for this meeting. Benazir Bhutto said she has come here to listen rather to speak and wanted to know the opinion of the civil society. During the brief speech, she emphasized the formation of anew political alliance against the military regime. She also spoke the deferent aspects of the 1973 constitution that has to be reviewed. 

 

Benazir Bhutto told us about her contacts with different political parties’ heads and her difficulties in forming an immediate alliance. “I have two hours talk with Nawaz Sharif, the former prime minister, yesterday and agreed on many points” she said. She also spoke her commitments to democracy and Pakistan. She referred to her talks with Musharaf and told us that it was for a smooth transition to democracy but Musharaf did not abide by his promises and now there is no question of talks with him.

 

She read the letter and said that she will come up with detail reply to this but she agrees the most of it. She made a categorical statement in favor of the restoration of judiciary, “they have shown a way forward and we must be with them. We can not leave it to the advocates but we must have a political movement s well” she said.

 

There was nearly hour and half of questions, contributions and her reactions sessions. It was mainly focused on policies and also on the building of the united movement.

 

I welcomed her detour and told her that it is very welcome detour. We were all unhappy and critical about your talks with the military regime. But that is over now and we are happy. . She smiled on my “detour” word.

 

I told her about the sheer corruption under the present military government, plight of the working class and peasantry, the price hike, the land mafia, the Okara struggle of the peasants, the arrests and fight back and need for a broader alliance to fight the regime. I said we do not trust at all the American and we have to build a movement to overthrow this government. I told her some figures of price hike and said the issues of poverty, unemployment and labor conditions have not become your priorities. You have only reached the middle class but working class has to come in the field. They are not in the movement because there is not much in your program for them.

 

She heard me patiently and said yes, I agree with you on the points and it is a question of bread and butter that has to be the main issue. There were several others who referred to these points and it was a live discussion.

 

I left at the last moment of Benazir Bhutto sum up to meet Naheed Khan, her secretary and a former member of parliament, who was outside the meeting hall to take some telephone calls,. We had a brief chat and she was happy to see me again. We had some time together in exile during the early eighties. She invited us for the meeting of political parties on 21st November in Karachi. I told her that over 200 activists from AJT, the Left alliance, has been arrested and still more to go jail. While I was still talking to Naheed Khan, someone asked her to rush to Benazir Bhutto car as she was already in the car.

 

The road out side was blocked by all the police vans that were there for security of Benazir Bhutto.

 

At the meeting, it seemed that most of the participants are reading my underground life stories. Every one I spoke asked me not to be arrested and organize the fight. A lot of references were made towards my great escapes.

 

Earlier on the day, I went to attend a meeting of Lahore Social Forum but I was late for the meeting and meeting was over. They were surprised to see me there.  I met some of them and discussed the present situation.

 

Several political activists and advocates have been released on bail yesterday but the campaign goes on. More arrests are made and some arrested one are being released on bail. The most pleasant surprise came from the University of Punjab, where for the second day running, thousands of students are demonstrating against the behaviors of Islami Jamiat Tulaba (Islamic Association of Students) linked to Jamat-I_Islami. The IJT leadership kidnapped Imran Khan and then handed over him to police. There is rebellion at the campus after 30 years of religious fundamentalist occupation. We discussed some measure to intervene in this movement.

 

 

 

 

Women against Martial Law

LPP Women Protest demo in Lahore

 

19 November 2007

 

From: farooq tariq

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan women staged a protest demonstration against Martial Law by General Musharaf at Laxshmi Chowk, Lahore on Monday, 19th November, 2007.

 

Despite the threat of being arrested, the LPP women activists wearing black head bands inscribed with GO Musharaf Go, were holding placards with slogans against imposition of martial Law. They raised full throat slogans against Musharaf and Martial Law. The slogans were “free Media and Judiciary”, Release political activists”,” stop crackdown and arrests”, down with Martial Law. 

 

This was the first demonstration at Laxshmi Chouck, one of the busiest in Central Lahore.

 

People in large number gathered there to observe the women chanting anti-Mushraff slogans. They made victory signs and muster their support.

 

It may be mentioned that after the imposition of Martial law on Nov 3, there is complete ban on demonstrations, rallies and even meetings. A series of crackdown and arrested have been on in the last two weeks. Thousands of lawyers, social and political activists are arrested. The Musharaf regime has adopted a policy of zero tolerance against any sort of public protest.  It is really difficult under the prevailing state oppression to organize any protest against Musharaf.

 

The situation demands the breaking of the silence and action to register protest against General Musharaf in Lahore particular. The level of repression is much greater in Lahore than other parts of Pakistan. The LPP women decided not to keep silent and a strategy was devised to organize a protest demo by all means.  A meeting was called to discuss the strategy. The dominant view was in favor of a flash demo at the busy and rushy Laxshmi Chouck; Lahore was selected as the venue. It was decided not to issue press release of this demonstration before the demonstration and media would be informed only half an hour before the demo. All the women would meet at the certain point before marching to the demo point.

 

It was decided that in case of police action, all women will put up strong resistance and if they tried to arrest any of them, the rest of the all women will present their arrest.

 

The demo was continued for half an hour. Till the end of the demo, good luck to the demonstrators, the police could not reach the busy point. So women safely concluded their protest. Electronic and printed media duly covered the event.

 

 

* Known political activists, advocates not released           

* Nisar Shah refuses to sign the affidavit of obedience

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

The government claimed yesterday that they have released 3400 political prisoners. Earlier they were denying that they have arrested so many. But most of the political leaders and known activists are not yet released.

 

Labour Party Pakistan chairperson Nisar Shah has refused a government offer to be release on conditions. He was asked to sign an affidavit declaring that he will not be involved in political agitation in future. At Adiala jail Rawalpindi, he was offered to be release immediately if he sign this letter. He was asked several times and the officials told him that it is just a way to get out of jail.  “You can do your activities while once you are out and no body will consider this letter under pressure” the authorities tried their best by such arguments.

 

Some of the political activists and those supporters who were arrested during the movement signed such letters and were released immediately. But Nisar Shah has refused to sign any such letter of shame. Nisar Shah was arrested on 7th November while leading an advocate demonstration in Islamabad.

 

His younger brother Waheed Shah and Labour Party Pakistan organizer in Rawalpindi Mumtaz Arzoo met him yesterday on 20th November, at Adiala  jail and told the reporters later that Nisar Shah is on high moral. He has no regrets despite being in jail for the last 15 days. He wants the advocates to continue the movement till the end of dictatorship. He has asked all LPP, trade unions, social and Left activists to become part of the movement. Nisar Shah told them that he will never bow to the pressure of the military regime and would not ask any favor from the regime. 

 

He is detained with five other advocates in cell number two. They have taken a similar position and have refused to cooperate with the regime.

 

Aitezaz Ahsan, the president of Supreme Court Bar Association who is also in the same jail but locked in the next cell to theirs has refused to be admitted in a hospital, a sort of favor to isolate the leaders from activists. He said I will not leave the jail while others are here.

 

At Karachi, trade union leader Farid Awan, Ayub Quresshi, Liaqat Shah, National Workers Party senior vice president Yousaf Masti Khan, Hasil Bezenjo president National Party and other political leaders are still locked and are facing sedition charges.

 

Please keep protesting

 

 

 

 

 

The successful women demonstration without many losses

More arrests and repression against journalist

The 18th Day in underground

 

 By: Farooq Tariq

 

The best thing that happened during the week was a defiant demonstration of women belonging to Labour Party Pakistan. On 19th November, 14 brave women went to the busiest area of Lahore demanding an immediate end of martial law in Pakistan. They all were wearing black ribbons of their heads with slogans like no to Martial law, release political prisoners and solidarity with advocates and media.

 

 One newspaper Daily Express Lahore reported on 20th November that LPP women waited for over 30 minutes for police but police did not turn up. The paper reported a disruption of the traffic on several roads because of the demonstration.

 

 It was very well planned and every aspect went according to the planning. A demonstration in Lahore at any road means an immediate arrest and baton charge.

 

We had discussed the plan of this demonstration with a title “women against martial law”. It was decided that only those women should be at the demonstration that are ready to be arrested. They should not be arrested peacefully but a resistance will be offered to police. There will be no escape plan and no one should run away from the scene. The vehicles will only drop women at the place but will not be there to pick them up. This was to safe the comrades who were driving them. No male comrade will accompany them. But we will make sure that the demonstration is well documented. It will be all women show.

 

 It was also agreed that the demonstration will last for half an hour, if police arrive then there will be résistance till the arrests. But we will not wait for the police after half an hour and would disperse afterwards.

 

 It was discussed and agreed that two comrades will contact the media and will only disclose the place half an hour before the demonstration. We will not send any written invitation to the media. In the media, there is a large infiltration of the intelligence agencies and we did not want to take a risk that police should be there before our arrival. To our utmost surprise, no one from the media informed the police and the media was there in large numbers even before the demonstrators arrived.

 

There was another demonstration of Tehreek Insaaf of Imran Khan at the same time not far from this place. The TI had informed the media about their demonstration. A large number of police was there and as they arrived at Regal Chouck on main Mall Road, six of them were immediately arrested. Police did not expect another demonstration on the same time and they had no clue. The result was that it took time for police to arrive the place.

 

 I waited eagerly at a safe place with another comrade to hear the outcome of the demonstration away from the place of demonstration. I was called by a journalist after 10 minutes of the demonstration telling me of women bravery and that there are intelligence agencies persons here taking photographs of the demonstration, but there is no police yet. He was pleased that many people are stopping and are waving to the demonstrators in happiness. Another journalist told me later that they were looking like Palestinian women fighting a repressive regime with utmost bravery.

 

 A comrade in guise of a press photographer told me later that another journalist told him that 30 minutes gone and the women are still chanting slogans. Are they waiting for police to be arrested? This comrade immediately realized the timing and pointed to the watch hinting to one leading comrade at the demonstration.

 

 She then declared to the press and to the people gathered at the place that we are leaving now, but will be back with more force, we are here to stay and fight, and we will not tolerate the military regime. We are working class women fighting a military regime and we have not much to loose but our chains.

 

 No one was arrested much to our pleasant surprise. It was making a point without many losses. The demonstration has left a very good moral on all the comrades. It has given an extraordinary courage to all our male comrades. They will be on the move and you will hear that too. It was the first show of defiance by a Left group in Lahore where the level of repression is much greater than other parts of the country. The women led the way.

 

 The same evening we had a meeting of leading comrades to discuss the political developments, the regime tactics and the responses of other political parties and our future course of action.

 

Another action of honor is been taken by Awami Thereek, one component of our Left Alliance the Awami Jamhoori Tehreek AJT (Peoples Democratic Movement). Till 21st November, over 300 activists of Awami Tehreek are been arrested in Sind province. They have a strategy of courting arrest at five district headquarters of Sind on the name of “fill the jails”. Every day five activists of AT are presenting arrests against the imposition of martial law. I had been several times in contact with the leadership of AT to discuss the outcome of the movement.

 

 AT is mainly a Sind based radical organization and is led by Rasul Bukhsh Paleejo. Once in 2005, General Musharaf was asked by a journalist about his favorite politician in Pakistan. He named Rasul Bukhsh Paleejo as his most favorite politician in Pakistan. Paleejo has spent seen years in jail under General Zia Ul Had dictatorship in the eighties. At the age of 79, he is still very active.

 

 On 18th November, we also heard the news of the arrest of Akhtar Hussain the former president of Sind High Court and secretary general of National Workers Party, another component of AJT.  He was picked up from his house in Karachi early in the morning. Comrade Nasir Mansoor lives nearby. He went to the police station where Akhtar Hussain was kept in custody and enquired about the situation and showed solidarity with him.

 

 During the last four days, since I wrote “meeting Benazir Bhutto, I have been little more open than I did during the early 10 days of the martial law. But there is terrible feeling of being watched all the times. I always look behind, who is coming.

 

 Yesterday morning, I had to fax an article to daily Waqt (Time), a rising new bourgeoisie paper in Urdu, who asked me to write about the movement of students in University of Punjab for its editorial pages, I went out to a shop to do this. While I was there faxing the seven pages, a police van came and stopped outside. I was terrified inside. The police van had not come for me but they went for lunch to the restaurant next door. But sheer presence of police van made me very sensitive. A lot of thoughts, why they have come, why they are not coming inside to arrest me, who have informed them, where is the mistakes, is it the mobile I am using, is it the motorbike I am traveling and so on. I am becoming more of a psychological case. I am sometime up to my neck. Being in underground to hide myself is an easy option but that is what I am not supposed to do. I am in underground to play a role, to meet the comrades, contact them, talk to media if possible, motivate the contacts and party comrades, networking with all the friends inside and outside, replying to emails. Writing interviews, articles in Urdu and English etc for our Weekly Mazdoor Jeddojuhd (www.jeddojuhd.com) and other papers.

 

 One of my foolish but lovely friends from Netherlands wrote me a mail in Dutch language and expected me to reply in the same language. I read and understood but the ability to write Dutch is no more. I had spent eight years in exile in Netherlands.  I do not want to be in exile anymore.

 

 The article on University of Punjab was printed today on 21st November, analyzing the recent revolt of students against the religious fundamentalist students who kidnapped Imran Khan and then handed over to police. I exposed the fascist nature of these religious fundamentalists and wrote about the future of the movement. The article is already very well read and the purpose served. Daily Waqat has over 40,000 circulations at present. It was to make contact with the new leadership of the student uprising and that was done today. I had been a student of this University in the seventies.  It was marvelous to see over few thousand students demonstrating against the religious fundamentalist control of the University.

 

Today, I was invited for an interview with private channel AAJ (today). This was about the restriction on the media. Voice of America radio did an interview as well on telephone. I also gave an interview to Geo who is at present off air under the pressure of the military regime. Its transmission was aired from Dubai, but under the pressure of the military regime, the Dubai government asked GEO to close their transmission.  Geo is the most popular private television channel in Pakistan. People are very angry and are speaking against the military regime.

 

The Punjab Union of Journalist (PUJ) invited me to a meeting this afternoon held at Lahore Press Club. This is the area where most of the demonstrations are taking place. A lot of police and intelligence agencies are always around the building. A journalist comrade imported me inside safely. I think no one noticed as I went in. The meeting was to discuss the yesterday beating and arrest of journalists at Karachi.

 

 On 20th November, the police in Karachi arrested over 180 journalists who wanted to take out a protest. They were severely beaten up.  A Karachi LPP leading comrade Sher Baz Khan along with several other comrades was with them. He was beaten up by police with the journalist and now has a broken hand; a fracture in hand will heal in weeks to come. 

 

I refused initially to go to Lahore Press Club building for the meeting but then decided to take the risk. After two hours of meeting inside with food and tea, I had to climb a wall to leave the building from back doors. This escape rout from the Press Club was not known to me but known to most journalist and was known as “thief door”.

 

 While I was still inside the meeting, the news came from Faisalabad that over 20 journalists are arrested and six of them are seriously injured while they were inside the Press Club building. Police used tear gas and baton charge against the protesting journalist. After Karachi, same repressive tactics were used in Faisalabad. We condemned the act and spoke to some journalists at Faisalabad to express our solidarity.  

 

 While I was at my place of stay for the evening, I got a call to speak at a press conference with Hafeez Khan, Imran Khan cousin, at Imran Khan home. Imran Khan is on hunger strike for the last three day at Dera Ghazi Khan Jail, around 14 hours from Lahore. He has not taken any food since and is on very weak health. We offered our full solidarity and promised to raise it everywhere, but I told them that I can not come for security reasons. We also informed the press to attend the press conference.

 

 

 

 

Public Again after 20 days of underground life

 

28 November 2007 

 

Farooq Tariq

 

Since 23rd November, I am working normally. Most of the political prisoners were released and police raids were rare. According to Musharaf dictatorship, on 28th November, there were only 37 political prisoners in different jails and rest are released. The 37 include most of the main leaders of the advocate’s movement. I remained underground for 20 days and avoided arrest while still active in the movement.

 

This is a temporary interval. The dictatorship has got what they wanted. They wanted to get rid of the independent judiciary before they could announce the general elections and before general Musharaf final decision on his election as president in uniform. To do that, they had to arrest over 10,000 political, social trade unions activists and revolting advocates.

 

They had a positive decision by the hand picked judges of the Supreme Court on the issue of the president ship of general Musharaf. The dictatorship has even allowed Nawaz Sharif, the former prime minister of Pakistan, to return after seven years of exile. Saudi Arabian kingdom has played some mediatory role. The details of the deal have yet to surface.

 

On 27th November, Labour Party Pakistan organized two events for the release of the political prisoners. At Karachi, over 60 activists of LPP were in front of Karachi Press Club for a vigil to demand release of political prisoners and solidarity with the journalists. The picture of the Karachi LPP vigil was printed all over Pakistan in front and back pages of most of the main newspapers. The majority of the sixty activists of LPP were women at Karachi vigil.

 

On the same day in Lahore, over 200 activists took out a rally to protest the ongoing arrest of the advocate leaders and to express solidarity with the struggling media. They went to Lahore Press Club and then to the office of GEO, the private television channel that is still off air under the direct orders of the military dictatorship. Surprisingly, there were no arrests at the two events. But in Lahore, a large contingent of police was accompanying the demonstrators.  At Lahore demonstration, there were over 80 women participants.

 

I could not participate in Lahore demonstration as I was in Toba Tek Singh, my home town, for the filing of the nomination papers to contest election for the national and provincial parliaments. Although the Awami Jamhoori Tehreek, the left alliance, has decided to boycott the elections under the present conditions of repression, but LPP wanted to make the boycott more effective.

 

The strategy was discussed and approved by the leading bodies of the LPP to file the nomination paper, get it accepted and then boycott the procedure after launching a mass campaign to boycott it. The Musharaf dictatorship has announced general election to be held on 8th January 2008 after the imposition of the emergency and after getting rid of the independent judges.

 

The elections are just a farce under the present repressive conditions. We had done some home work for my elections at Tobe Tek Singh including opening an office at one of the main area of the city. We had organized several meetings including one of the women where over 150 women participated. We had planned the fourth national conference at the city but had to postpone it for the second time. So it was not a good strategy to boycott the elections and do nothing.

 

For the national assembly constituency number 93, 12 candidates including myself have submitted papers to contest the elections. They are from Pakistan peoples Party, Muslim League Nawaz and Muslim league Q, Mutihida Muslis Ammal the religious parties’ alliance, Labour Party Pakistan and several independents. I went along with some of the senior leaders of the Left alliance to submit my papers to the returning officer who is an additional district judge. You had to be a graduate to contest the general elections. Less than one percent of the total population of Pakistan is graduates.

 

I was in Toba Tek Singh for two days and met some of the local party activists and friends to chart out the strategy. They all agree to boycott the elections.

 

Today on 18th November, I went to Lahore High Court to meet some of the leaders of the advocate movement. I met Sarfraz Cheema, the 32 year old secretary of Lahore High Court Bar Association who spent 17 days in jail and was released few days before. He told me about the brutalities of the police against the advocates. The police entered in their office to destroy the computer and fax machine on 5th November. Over 700 advocates were arrested on the day including him.

 

Later on the day, I spoke in one of Action Aid Pakistan seminar on poverty alleviation in association with Women Workers Help Line. The other speakers included Dr. Mubashar Hasan the former federal finance minister under Bhutto, Dr. Abdul Hai Baluch president of National Party, Rabia Bajwa advocate, Hasan Nasir from Revolutionary democratic Workers Committee, a part of Left Alliance and Bushra Khaliq secretary Women Workers Help Line. Earlier, Fikre Zwadie, the country director of Action Aid Pakistan welcomed the speakers for this political session of the seminar. All the speakers were against the emergency and for a boycott of the general elections.

 

Dr. Mubashar Hasan commented in his speech that Farooq has been arrested all the times because of the repressive nature of the regime.

 

I must thank all my friends and family in Lahore who has helped me in the most difficult period of repression. Without their full scale help, I would have not been out of jail. I also thank LPP members and supporters for all the help they could lend.

 

I also must thank all those friends and supporters from overseas for reading my mails and some time commenting with encouraging words. They include John Pilger (UK), Pierre Rousset (France), Tariq Ali (UK), Eric Toussaint (Belgium), John Hunt (UK), Phil Frampton (UK), Peter Boyle (Australia), Sue Bolton (Australia), Merrilyn Treasure (Australia), Silla Vriesma Netherlands), Elisabeth van Hoval (Netherlands), Lidy Nicpal (Philipine), Srilata Sawminathan (India), Roger Silverman (UK), John Reiman (USA), John Throne (USA), Richard Miller (USA), Ahmad Shawki (USA), Roland Ekbom (Sweden), Jan Hodann (Sweden), Toni Usman (Norway), Farooq Sulehria (Sweden), Asim Ali Shah (UK), Michel Eggermont ()Netherland), Hans  Van Heijningen (Netherlands), Joost Kircz (Netherlands), Sue Bolton (Australia), Saqlain Imam (UK), Pam Curry (Scotland), Comrade Shahid (USA), Roger Silverman (UK), Sandeep Chachra (Thailand), John Samuel Thailand), Rashid Titumir (Bhangladesh), Taimur Rehman (UK), Frank Hazur (India),  Kuldeep Kumar (India), Mohan Kumar (Australia), Tarek Fatah Canada), Alvin Dizon (Philipine), Chetan Patel (UK),  Toqeer Ahmad (Canada), Dianne Feeley (USA), Qamarulah (UAE),  Linda Waldren and Ray (Australia),  Kenji Kunitomi (Japan), Dr. Mark (Russia), Silvana (Italy) and many more I like to mention but it is getting already a long list.

 

I also like to thank all those who have spread the news to other email lists, addresses and website. I have seen dozens of websites that have pasted these letters written during my underground time.

 

Good Books intends to publish these entire letters in a booklet with the only one picture of mine in a change get up that was taken by one of my close friend when I arrived to spend the night at their place.

 

I wrote all these stories in a very light manner with personal incidents and some political points. I have met many friends during the last one week in Pakistan who have read all these stories and were happy that they were in picture what was happening.

 

Ends

 

 

 

Workers strike back

Textile workers observed a 24 hours strike at Faisalabad

 

3 December 2007

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

80 percent of half a million textile workers at Faisalabad district observed a 24 hours strike today on 3rd December. The workers were demanding social protection and an end of emergency in Pakistan. The strike was called by Labour Qaumi Movemnet (LQM), a textile and power looms workers organization in the district. This is the first major strike of the textile workers in a decade.

 

Over 2000 workers assembled at Faisalabad Press Club building despite blockade of the roads by the police. This was the same place where over 20 journalists were injured by police baton charge when they try to bring out a demonstration for freedom of press a week ago.

 

Today, workers leaders including Mian Abdul Qayum, Aslam Meraj and Rana Tahir warned the workers of police brutalities and asked if there should be rally to the office of the district mayor? It was a unanimous decision of the workers to take pout rally despite a real threat of arrests and baton charge.

 

The LQM leaders spoke against the military dictatorship and said the workers will not accept this emergency and will side by the advocates and journalists. They demanded an immediate end of the emergency and release of all the political prisoners. The meeting inside the Press Club went on from 11am till 2pm.

 

The workers leaders were told by many area leaders of a complete strike at the workplaces and no power loom unit functioning on the day. It was reported at the meeting that over 80 percent of half a million workers are on strike today. Many could not come to the rallying point during the strike because of emergency and police blockade.

 

Workers brought the rally in a very militant mood, but police officers had changed their minds already after listening to the determined speeches of the workers leaders. Perhaps they did not want to open a new front. The police did not intervene to stop the rally despite similar rallies of political activists had been brutally suppressed under the new emergency laws. It was an illegal rally with an eye to eye contact with police.

 

The rally took over the office of the mayor of Faisalabad and demanded the labour director to come and talk to the LQM leaders. The director after talks with the leadership announced to accept the main demand and told the workers that the social security cards will be issued to workers within one week.

 

Faisalabad is the third largest city of Pakistan after Karachi and Lahore. It is known as Manchester of Pakistan because majority of textile factories and power looms are based here. The textile industry is totally in private hands thus there are no real unions at factory level. LQM started its work in year 2004 and has become the organization of the textile workers. It had organized several demonstrations, rallies, hunger strike camps, occupation of labour departments and other militant actions during the last three years. The main leadership of LQM is member of Labour Party Pakistan.

 

The strike call on 3rd of December was announced in beginning of November 2007 just before the announcement of the emergency on 3rd November. It wrote letters to the Labour department and to the Association of bosses. The main demand was to register the industrial unit and the labour at the government social security department.

 

There are over 12500 small power looms unit in the city with more than half a million workers. Majority of the units have contract labour and the bosses have not registered the labour at the social security department.

 

Bosses have to pay not more than two US Dollars a month to register a worker at the social security department. In return, the workers can have free health facilities at some of the hospitals and some minor other concessions.

 

Posters and stickers to announce the strike were printed with the help of Labour Education Foundation, a radical labour organization, and were fly posted all over the city. The LQM warned in the posters that if demands are not met, there will be strike for 24 hours all over the city.

 

The LQM leadership organized a series of internal meeting and with the workers to chart out the strategy of the strike. They decided that they will not force any unit to close down but will try to convince the workers to come on strike voluntarily. Majority of the strike action in Pakistan during the past were not successful because of violence by the state and by workers themselves to make the day a success.

 

During the suppression of journalists and lawyers, the LQM leadership was closely associated with the movement and participated in all the demonstrations and so on. This was built solidarity among the workers of the city and to fight the military dictatorship of General Musharaf.

 

Today, after the blockade and announcement of the Labour director, the rally and the strike ended on a positive note. There were two workers who were injured during an attack by bosses’ gangsters and LQM leadership is busy after the rally to register a police case against the bosses.

 

LQM leadership has also put up two candidates to contest the general election that is to be held on 8th January. The two will contest as Labour Party Pakistan candidate. Labour Party Pakistan has decided in principle to boycott the general elections and demanded an immediate lifting of emergency and restoration of top judges.

 

The two candidates have filed the papers and their nomination papers are accepted already the returning officer. The date to take back the paper is yet to be finalized by LPP and all the candidates of LPP will take back their nomination papers to strengthen the opposition movement for the overthrow of the dictatorship.   

 

 

8/9th December: Labour Party Pakistan National Conference 2007

 

2 December 2007

           

From: farooq tariq

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan National Conference 2007 

Labour Party Pakistan will now hold its fourth national conference on 8/9th December  2007 at Lahore. The two day conference had been postponed two times during the year. It has been decided to hold the conference at any cost.  It will not be postponed, even if a new round of repression starts by then.   

The conference was originally scheduled for 20-23rd March 2007. It was postponed to take part effectively in the advocate’s movement. The decision paid off. LPP participation in the advocate movement is very well appreciated by many among the movement. Several comrades were arrested during the movement and LPP took part in almost all the demonstrations of the advocate movement across the country.

 

The conference was then scheduled for second time on 9/10/11th November 2007, but this had to be postponed due to the large scale arrests of the political activists after General Musharaf declared emergency on 3rd November. 

The conference political document is been discussed by the units of LPP in different part of the country. The units will also elect the delegates to represent their areas in the congress. 

The political agenda include:

1:      International Perspectives:

 

2:      Pakistan presents political and economical situation and perspectives:
3:      Need for Study Circles:
4:      Labour Party Pakistan organization Report and priorities

5:      Elections: National Committee 

the LPP conference will also vote some of the constitutional amendments proposed to improve the LPP internal democracy. It include proposal that no office bearer of the LPP will be elected for more than two terms that is four years. 

It will also discuss the proposals to change the structure of the office bearers. The proposal is made by the National Committee of LPP to the congress that in future only  secretaries should be elected, it include elections of secretary Labour, Peasant, Youth and Women and general secretary. They will also elect a spokesperson at national level. 

The congress proceedings will be in Urdu but there will translations available in English language.  

We will be very happy if you could send a message of solidarity to the congress to be read out in the congress. If you have already sent one, please ignore this appeal.

 

 

 

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan fourth conference concluded

 

10 December 2007

 

By Mazdoor Jeddoujhd (Workers Struggle)

 

Labour Party Pakistan fourth conference concluded

New constitutional amendments to bring more internal democracy

Nisar Shah elected as new general secretary

More women comrades elected to National Committee

A staggering $ 9500 pledged by 126 delegates 

Over 450 attended the public seminar by AJT

 

 

The two days Labour Party Pakistan conference concluded here last night with a big bang. Despite the imposition of emergency, 126 delegates and 35 observers attended the two days moot at the auditorium of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan in Lahore. The three sessions discussed the international, national and organizational perspectives with dozens of delegates participating in the heated debates.

 

Delegates from all parts of Pakistan arrived on a short notice of only 8 days. Not all the elected delegates were able to come but all areas were represented in the conference.

 

The conference started with reading of several solidarity messages received for the occasion. They included messages from Fourth International (France), CPIML (India), Democratic Socialist Perspective DSP (Australia),  Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières (ESSF) France, CATDM (Belgium), Revolutionär Sozialistischer Bund (Germany), Labour Militant Voice (USA), Toni Usman (Norway), Afghan Labour Revolutionary Organisation (Afghanisatan), Olof Palme International Center (Sweden), Cuban Communist Party (Cuba), Revolutionary Communist League LCR (France) Japan Revolutionary Communist League(JRCL),  Freedom Socialist Party (USA), International Socialist organization (USA), VAK (India), NSSP (Sri Lanka), GFont (Nepal)  and several other individual messages.

 

The international sessions was mainly focused on Venezuela, the war on terror and its effect on Muslim countries, the imperialist globalization offences and fight back and climate change. Comrade Nasir Mansoor introduced the wide ranging discussion.

 

While several comrades making criticism of some of the constitutional changes in Venezuela, but stressed the international impact of the revolution and the need to defend it. Comrades of the view that it was heavy dozier in one go and the time was not sufficient to explain the essence of the reforms needed for the Socialist transformation of the society. Comrade hailed Hugo Chavez for standing up to all the challenges and accepting the outcome in democratic manner.

 

The discussion on national perspectives was mainly focused on the recent movement of advocates, students, social activists and media. It was agreed that Musharaf regime is a weak dictatorship and has not been able to win support among the masses by his so-called growth in the economy.

 

The emergency was imposed mainly to get rid of independent judiciary before calling the general elections. The delegates unanimously approved the leadership of LPP decision to boycott the fraudulent elections. It vowed to bring the working class in the main of the movement by mobilizing the trade union movement. Comrade Nisar Shah introduced the discussion on Pakistan and stressed the need to do all for an end of the dictatorship. He has recently been released after 18 days in prison.

 

The organizational session saw a very lively discussion on different tactics of the party building. It was agreed to help form a new student organization. The constitutional amendment to abolish the entire office bearer to a system of secretaries was approved unanimously. From now on, there will five secretaries including Educational and cultural secretary, Labour secretary, Women secretary, Peasant secretary and youth secretary at national, provincial and district levels. A general secretary will coordinate the work and spokesperson of LPP at national level will be elected.

 

The constitutional amendment that no office bearer at national level be elected more than two terms (four years) was narrowly accepted with a margin of 7 votes. After a heated debate, the amendment was put to vote and was accepted.

 

The LPP new flag was unanimously accepted by the delegates. 12 designs for the new flags were presented to the delegates and a flag with a single white star in a red flag with Labour Party Pakistan written was unanimously accepted by the delegates.

 

A finance appeal was launched at the conference raising over 500,000 Rupees (US$ 9500) in pledges. A women comrade who is leading a shanty town struggle for land rights announced Rupees 30,000 ($500) surprised every one to their pleasure. This raised the moral of the delegates to pledge a record amount. Never ever, such an amount was raised from one single event with only 126 delegates.

 

The conference elected a 21 National committee in secret ballet. 28 comrades contested. Out of seven contesting women comrades, six were elected. There were only two women comrades in the previous 21 National Committee. Comrade Farooq Tariq topped the list by receiving 98 percent of the votes followed by a women comrade Nazli Javed. The 21 member National committee represents all parts of Pakistan.

 

In a brief meeting of National Committee, Nisar Shah was elected as new general secretary, Farooq Tariq as national spokesperson, Nazli Javed as women secretary, Nasir Mansoor Labour secretary, Hakim Khan Bahadur as Peasant secretary, Amir Hussani as Education and cultural secretary and Asim Akhud as youth and student affairs secretary. A seven member’s National Executive Committee was also elected by NC. Talat Rubab who was elected to national committee was confirmed as editor of Weekly Mazdoor jeddojuhd. It was unanimous decisions to elect representatives for all these different posts. 

 

The pubic seminar organized by the Awami Jamhoori Tehreek at the same place in the afternoon on 9th December was attended by over 450 with many youth from different organizations. The speakers included the leaders of advocate and student movement.  Sarfraz Cheema secretary Lahore High Court Bar Association, Mohammed Shah president Lahore district Bar Association, Nisar Shah advocate, all three spending at least 18 days in jails addressed the jam packed auditorium of HRCP.

 

Sundes Hurrain of Student Action Committee told the audience that about the arrest of 15 students and advocates defending the home of Lahore High Court Judge who had refused to take oath under new PCO. “We have started a hunger strike camp and will continue till the release of the 15.

 

Comrade Farooq Tariq stressed the need for a mass movement of advocates, students, trade unions, peasants, women organizations and civil society as whole to build an alternative to the big parties who are taking part in the elections. This election is farce and we must not take part in it and convince masses to boycott the poll.

 

There was a lot of enthusiasm in the seminar, making it more like a public protest meeting. A lot of slogans were raised against the military dictatorship.

 

 

 

APDM boycott campaign started

 

24 December 2007

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Thousands of people attend today on 24th December, the first national rally held at Pesheen in Baluchistan. Mehmood Achakzai convener APDM declared that there are only two camps in Pakistan one of those who are contesting elections and those who are appealing for boycott. Those contesting the elections are in the camp of General Musharaf who is eager to legitimize all his dictatorial actions through elections. People will boycott and side with the lawyers movement which has become a symbol of struggle, he declared.

 

More such national public meetings are planned at Quetta, Hyderabad, Karachi Lahore and Islamabad during the next 10 days. The Punjab APDM met here today in Lahore to finalize the arrangements of the public meeting of 5th January that is to held at Minar_I-Pakistan. The Karachi meeting will be held on 30th December at Nishter Park.

 

The Punjab APDM decided to set up boycott camps at all divisional headquarters of Punjab and public meetings at all the cities of Punjab till 5th of January. It has also planned several corner public meetings in Lahore.

 

It also decided to participate in all the rallies of the advocates whenever it is been called by them it also announced 3rd January as a day of action for the boycott campaign.

 

Labour Party Pakistan is producing its own literature for the boycott campaign alongside with APDM. Posters, stickers and leaflets are being printed to be distributed all over Pakistan during the campaign.

 

Comrade Farooq Tariq has asked me to forward to the list the following statement, issued by the LPP…

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan mourns Benazir’s tragic death

 

It’s a murder of democracy. Musharraf should resign

 

A tragedy wrought by combination of dictatorship, fundamentalism, imperialism

 

Lahore (PR): The Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) strongly condemns the tragic murder of Benazir Bhutto, former prime minister and chairperson Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

 

In a joint statement issued here on Friday, LPP spokesperson Farooq Tariq and National Secretary Nisar Shah said: ‘ It is not mere a murder of an individual but murder of democracy and political culture in Pakistan’. They said it was the duty of the regime to provide Benazir Bhutto with a fool-proof security.

 

‘This is a failure on the part of the regime hence exposing country to an unprecedented danger and chaos. Therefore, we demand an immediate resignation of Pervez Musharraf and his cabinet,’ they added.

 

They said the tragedy that struck Pakistan yesterday was yet another expression of the instability created in the region owing to the US presence in the region. ‘Her brutal murder is a tragedy jointly wrought by religious fundamentalists, military dictatorships in Pakistan and the USA’, they commented.

 

They said Al-Qaida had taken upon itself the responsibility for this horrendous crime according to media reports. ‘But the Frankenstein of Al-Qaida would not have been ruling the roost in Pakistan had it not been created by the USA and pampered by military dictatorships in Pakistan’, they said.

 

Urging the PPP workers restraint, they said LPP workers were with them in that hour of grief. ‘We must turn this anger on the culprits who plotted this dastardly murder’’, they said. They appreciated Pakistan Muslim League (N)’s decision to boycott the elections due on January 8 and APDM decision to suspend the campaign recently launched for the boycott of elections.

 

[Sent via BlackBerry from Mobilink]

 

 

 

Benazir assassination:

The unprecedented mass reaction

 

29 December 2007

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Pakistan has never seen so many people protesting in streets all over as been the case during the last two days.  They were all united across Pakistan to condemn the brutal murder of Benazir Bhutto. The news was heard with a great shock and there was an immediate mass anger erupted in all parts of Pakistan. 28th December was the first day of general strike called by many groups ranging from political parties to various professional groups.

 

Most of elections posters, banners, flags and bill boards of Pakistan Muslim League (PMLQ) were the first victim of the mass anger. PMLQ is a General Musharaf creation after 1999; a major split of Pakistan Muslim League, The rest is headed by Nawaz Sharif, the former prime minister.  PMLQ has been sharing power with General Musharaf after 2002 and is comprised of the most corrupt feudal, capitalists, former army generals and black marketers.

 

PMLQ had spent billions of these advertising material and all that was gone within few hours of mass reaction. It was very proudly claiming that it has done the home work. The work to remove all these anti people election material was done with utmost sophistication. None of Pakistan Peoples Party or Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz election material was removed.

 

Then it was the banks mainly in Sind.  They were attacked and the buildings were burned in many cities of Sind. Most of ATM machines were destroyed. In some places, people were lucky to bring some money home. Banks had made unprecedented profits during the last few years. There was no free banking any more that was the case earlier from sixties.

 

Hundreds of private buses were burned in all parts of the country. The fares had gone too high during the Musharaf eight years of rule. There were no more public buses. Most of PMLQ government ministers had their own bus companies and were making huge gains out of mass poverty.  

 

There were also incidents of burning of railway trains in Sind. According to Daily Jang 28 railway stations, 13 railway engines, and seven trains have been burnt resulting over three billion Rupees loss. The rail fares were increased by many folds by Musharaf regime in a bid to reduce the railway losses.  It has been partly privatized as well. The whole rail system has collapsed since 27th December night. Thousands of passengers are on the railway stations waiting for restoration. There is no sign of restoration for some days. Pakistan International Airlines PIA and two private airlines, Air Blue and Shaheen Air have cancelled all their domestic flights on the name of “rescheduling”. The staff did not turn up.

 

Thousands of private cars have been damaged all over Pakistan by the angry mob mainly youth. They were showing their anger on the car companies (mainly Toyota, Suzuki and Honda) unprecedented profits during the last few years. Many leasing companies have robbed the growing middle classes by offering cars with abnormal prices. While the massive majority of population have no more ant subsidized public transport.

 

 

The houses and offices of PMLQ politicians, local government’s mayors and administration are the other victims of the mass reaction. They have either been burnt or damaged.

 

Over 100 people have so far died in the incidents relation to mass protest either by police or by cross firing of different groups during the last 40 hours.

 

Thousands and thousands have raised slogans against Musharaf regime and American imperialism after the death of Benazir Bhutto. The anger was accumulated during the last eight years and was manifested after this unthinkable incident. This was a response of the masses to the strict implementation of neo liberal agenda which resulted in unprecedented price hike, unemployment and poverty. The anger that was to be shown in boycotting or participating in the elections has come out early after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

 

There is a great anti Musharaf consciousness all over. It is been shown in different ways in different part of the country in different degree. The so-called capitalist economical growth under Musharaf has left millions in absolute poverty.  There was no Pakistan shining as was propagated by the dictatorship all the times.   

 

The 2007 has been a year of mass awakening. It started with advocate movement after the removal of chief justice of Supreme Court of Pakistan. The chief justice Iftikhar Choudry said a big “No” to resign under pressure by the Generals. He was removed only to be reinstated on 20th July after a massive movement of 80,000 lawyer’s community. They were joined by political activists from almost all political parties but not by the masses. Masses only welcomed the chief justice from the side roads and did not participate in the movement in real terms. 

 

Musharaf got himself elected as president for the second five year term in a “democratic manner” by a parliament elected for one five year term. He was still wearing military uniform when elected as “civilian” president. His theme was “elect me president for the second term and I will take off uniform after taking oath as civilian president”.

 

The November imposition of martial law on the name of emergency was used to remove the rather independent top judges of Pakistan. It put restrictions on the media and over 10,000 were arrested. Musharaf got himself duly “elected president” and took off uniform after removing the top judges. His hand picked judges gave him all the necessary backing. He was helped in this process by Benazir Bhutto who was forced into in Tariq Ali,s word  “forced arranged marriage” by US and British imperialism. In this unholy alliance, every one was cheating everyone with utmost honestly.

 

The general elections were announced for January 8th and emergency lifted after the large scale repression and removal of independent judiciary. The regime was happy that everything is going according to “plan”. The Pakistan Peoples Party of Benazir Bhutto and Muslim League Nawaz and Quid Azam (PMLQ), the three major parties had agreed to participate in these fraudulent elections. The religious fundamentalist political alliance MMA had split on the question of participation in elections. One major part of MMA had gone to contest elections.

 

The campaign for and boycott the election had started when the religious fundamentalist stuck and killed Benazir Bhutto on 27th December evening. The “plan” was shattered into pieces. It was big blow to agreed terms and conditions of various participating parties in the elections. It was not a bumper on the road but a total destruction of the road of conciliations and compromises.

 

The murder of Benazir Bhutto is a double edge sword. While it is big blow to the plans of British and American imperialism, it will also be no celebration for the religious fundamentalist forces. The initial anger has gone against the military regime and its crony politicians. It can go against the both. No party will be able to celebrate the shocking killings.

 

But Musharaf regime has understood this clearly and now is trying consciously to put the direction of the movement against the religious fundamentalists. Last night on 28th December, in a two hour press conference, a military brigadier, representing the government named Baitullah Mehsud, an Al-Qaeda associate in tribal areas of Pakistan as the one who carried out the attack.

 

Foolishly he tried his best to prove that Benazir Bhutto is not killed by a bullet but by the lever of sun roof of the bullet proof car while Benazir Bhutto was waving to crowds outside after the bomb blast. What difference it makes, if it is proved that Benazir Bhutto is killed not by the bullet but by another way?  Not much.

 

The military Brigadier explanation did not satisfied the angry journalists who asked him again and again about the connections of secret intelligence agencies of Pakistan with Abdullah Mahsood.  The question, that why Mahsood released quietly over 200 Pakistan army men on the day of imposition of emergency, who were kidnapped by his group a week earlier, went unanswered. The military Inter Services Intelligence ISI has long time relationship with the religious fundamentalists groups dating back to Eighties when Imperialists and fundamentalists were close friends.

 

It is very volatile, unstable, unpredictable, explosive, dangerous, impulsive, fickle and capricious political situation. It never happened before in many years that mass reaction has erupted to this degree.

 

The general strike was a total success. All roads were empty. No traffic at all. All shops were closed. All industrial and other institutions were completely shut down.

 

After the initial inhibition to curb the strike, the regime has now issued strict orders to kill anyone on the spot if it is “looting” any thing. It has called the regular army in 16 districts of Sind and paramilitary forces elsewhere in Pakistan.

 

The regime has so for not postponed the scheduled elections but it is very difficult to hold elections in this situation. Nawaz Muslim League Nawaz and several other political parties have already announced to boycott the fraudulent elections.  

 

Labour Party Pakistan is demanding an immediate resignation of Musharaf dictatorship and forming of an interim government comprising of civil society organizations, trade unions and peasant organizations. This is to hold free and fair general elections under an independent election commission. It is demanding an immediate restoration of top judges and investigations of Benazir and others murder in this and previous bomb blast by these top judges. As part of All Parties Democratic Movement, LPP is supporting a three day general strike and linking it to the overthrow of the military dictatorship. It is asking all parties to reject the general elections fraud on 8th January and not to participate in these elections.

 

 

 

 

Refusing to break with feudal traditions 

 

31 December 2007

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

Appointment of 19-year-old Bilawal Bhottu Zardari as the new chair of Pakistan Peoples Party is an attempt to keep the feudal traditions of politics in South Asia. The PPP central executive committee approved the appointment of Bilawal Asif Zardari, unanimously in its meeting on 30th December at Nuedero Sind. He is son of Benazir Bhutto who was assassinateed on 27 December, nominated him.

 

According to the will of Benazir Bhutto read out in the meeting, Asif Zardari, husband of Benazir Bhutto, was to be appointed as chair of PPP in case Benazir Bhutto is not there.  However, Asif Zardari then went on to suggest his son Bilawal as new chair.

 

A student of Oxford University, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari is the eldest and the only son of three children of Benazir Bhutto. Born in Pakistan but never lived here after he went to school.

 

Asif Zardai will be co chairperson of PPP. By these developments, PPP has effectively been again in the total control of Bhutto family. 

 

PPP leadership had kept the same feudal traditions during the last 40 years of existence. After Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was hanged on July 4 1979, his wife Begum Nusrat Bhutto took over. When Begum Bhutto wanted her son Murtaza Bhutto to take over PPP in 1996, she was deposed by Benazir Bhutto and became the life long chairperson of PPP. Murtaza Bhutto was killed in a plice encounter in September 1996 while Benazir Bhutto was still the prime minester. She lost her power a month later.

 

The executive committee meeting also decided to take part in the general election of 8 January 2008 and rejected the government version of the assassination.  This was despite a massive movement against the military dictatorship of General Musharaf. All over Pakistan, hundreds of thousands have demonstrated against the regime and all the banners and flags of the ruling Muslim League were torn apart. The movement forced the Muslim League supporting General Musharaf to hide everywhere from the public.

 

A move to boycott the general elections and an announcement to launch a movement to overthrow the military dictatorship by PPP leadership at this moment would have forced the regime to resign. Instead, PPP leadership played on the massive sympethy waves to capitalise through general elections under Musharaf regime. A pricious moment of history to get rid of military intervention into politics by a power mass movement has been lost by this decision to participate in the elections.

 

By appointment of Bilwal Bhutto, PPP has refused to break the feudal traditions of politics in Soutn Asia. It has kept the undemoractic traditions of few families controling the politics. The heriditic hegemony of politics has been kept and feudalism will be more strengthen by this decision of PPP in general. 


 

 

 

 

Labour Party Pakistan to help rebuild the labour movement

 

15 January 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Labour Party Pakistan has decided to give maximum attention to rebuild the labour movement in Pakistan. The two days meeting of National Executive Committee meeting of LPP held on 8/9th January in Karachi reviewed the situation of labour movement involvement on democratic and class struggle.

 

It agreed that the top priority of LPP for the year of 2008 would be the trade unions and labour movement as a whole. It decided to help create new unions where there are no unions. It will take up questions of trade unions rights for every worker and will launch a new movement to force the military regime to grant the trade unions rights in 28 different public sector institutions. These include clerical staff, health workers, Pakistan International Airlines workers, government printing press, ports, police and military.

 

LPP decided to form new unions in areas where there are yellow unions are no unions at all. It agreed to give maximum attention to textile sector in this regard. It also agreed to help the public sector workers to fight privatization, anti trade union legislation and against retrenchments and a campaign for a decent wages for all.

 

The EC meeting held a political session open to leading comrades in Karachi who were not members of EC. It was agreed that Pakistan has become a very dangerous place for political activists. The rise of religious fundamentalists is mainly due to the war mongering policies of Bush and Musharaf. The repressive polices of Musharaf is not helping to curb the activities of religious extremists but on the contrary it is fueling the situation. While expressing full solidarity with PPP on the question of assassination of Benazir Bhutto, it disagreed with its political and economical priorities that are matching with imperialism.  

 

The meeting reviewed the situation of anti military dictatorship movement by advocates, students, trade unions, civil society organizations and political activists. It agreed to boycott the elections and to maximize the boycott campaign. It decided to review the LPP joining APDM after the general elections. It agreed that there is now more reasons to reject the fraudulent general elections under Musharaf dictatorship.

 

LPP EC decided to help build the Left unity and to make efforts to bring more groups and parties into Awami Jamhoori Tehreek. “The building of effective Left unity is the only alternative to the politics of the capitalist and feudal political parties”.

 

The EC formulated the political agenda of LPP for the year 2008. It agreed to organize study circles at all level to promote Socialist ideology in a concert form. It decided to hold Socialist schools at provincial levels. It planned training of National Committee members for team building by professional consultants.  The first such two days training shall be held in Lahore on 2/3rd of February 2008. 

 

All members except one comrade attended the national Executive Committee meeting. Nazli Javed and Nisar Shah chaired the meeting.

 

The Labour Party Pakistan first National Committee three days meeting will be held from 2nd February 2008 in Lahore.

 

 

 

 

Pakistan Collapsing under Musharaf, He had to go

 

17 January 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

Pakistan is on fast rout of collapsing under Musharaf dictatorship. The state is in immense crisis. The infrastructure, industrial and social, is in total chaos. The economic crisis is showing its muscles. The price hike is uncontrollable and unemployment in ever increase.

 

The vast majority of ordinary people of Pakistan are praying day and night that Musharaf be killed or at least he should die. Majority believe that he will never leave power without giving his life. “If he is not killed, he will kill us all one by one. He has become the most unpopular president of Pakistan.

 

Musharaf is widely seen as a person who has orchestrated the murder of Benazir Bhutto. “Qaatal Qaatal Musharaf Qaatal (Murderer the murderer, Musharaf the murderer) was the main slogan of the mass reaction. All the twist and turn of Musharaf dictatorship after the murder has strengthened the doubts of the masses in this regard. “He asked her to come to Pakistan by negotiating and let her be killed” is a remark you hear very often.

 

Despite that, Musharaf has consistently shown the trends that he will stick to power by any mean. “He is the ultimate power”, Pakistan needs him, Pakistan first, Pakistan my top priority” are some of his regular sloganeering. However, many do not trust him anymore here in Pakistan.

 

The desperation of masses to remove Musharaf by a mass movement is clear everywhere. They had attempted to throw him out of power after assassination of Benazir. That was an unprecedented movement for five days from 27 December 2007. Not a single shop was open, no wheel on the move, no factory working, no bank open, no office functioning, no restaurant or hotel open, no train on the move, flights cancelled, schools and colleges closed and thousands and thousands were on the road protesting. This was the most unexpected outburst of mass anger after the killing.

 

Nevertheless, unfortunately, Pakistan Peoples Party leadership had not learnt from history. They saw this an important occasion to show that are the responsible defender of the system. They went to appeal the masses to cool down, go back to their work and turn your anger into vote for Pakistan Peoples Party.

 

This was the time when majority of the political parties had announced to boycott the elections and demanded an immediate resignation of Musharaf. Had PPP joined the other parties in boycotting the general elections, Musharaf would have gone by now.

 

They had not realized the post Benazir killing scenario. They had not anticipated the total collapse of economy in the days ahead. They had not thought of the tactics of Musharaf supporters to rig the election if they were given chance. Over 4000 First Investigation Reports (FIR) has been registered by police against a record number of half a million PPP and other opposition political activists in Sind alone. Many PPP activists were arrested to be released on bail later. Many thousands have gone for bail before arrest. The tactics of PPP leadership has put PPP in defensive position.

 

The PPP is on the run after three weeks of Benazir Bhutto assassination, it was Musharaf who on the defense after the killings. He would have been relived when the PPP leadership had taken a decision to contest elections.

 

At a time when the consciousness of the whole of Pakistan was anti Musharaf with active participation in mass movement, the PPP leadership announcement to participate in elections was like putting cold water on the boiling heat, was like a fire brigade bus active in stopping fire spreading by showering water. 

 

Moreover, what an elections that is taking place on 18 February 2008? Before the announcement of the general elections, top judges, 60 of them were put under house arrest on 3 November 2007 when martial law was imposed on the name of emergency; many are still in house arrest particularly the chief justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Ahmed Choudry. On 14 January, all public meetings and election rallies are banned for a month on the name of security. Thus, effectively, there is not going be any mass mobilization by the political parties. Most of the opposition parties that are taking part in the elections are already complaining that it will rig and that they have proofs of rigging in the electoral role.

 

All the rules lay out by Election Commission of Pakistan about the size and width of the posters, pamphlets, stickers, hording boards and banners have been widely violated by most of the candidates belonging to the government and the opposition.

It is race of money among the candidates. It is like a business competition. It is not a democracy that is going to be restored by the elections but a farce of democracy. The general elections have given a chance to the masses to choose among the exploiters. The condition that a candidate must be at least a university graduate meant that only less than one percent of the whole population had a chance to become candidates.

 

Three weeks after the assassination of Benazir, on 17 January 2008, there is unprecedented price hike of everything. Wheat flour is the most used food item in Pakistan. It has gone up from Rupees 13 a kilogram to 25 to 50 Rupees, if you can find it in shops. There have been suicide attempts by women after failure to buy the wheat flour from the government concessional utility stores. There has food riots reported in many parts of the country.

 

There is regular news on television and newspapers that “smugglers” of wheat floor have been arrested. Earlier smuggling was normally restricted to gold and electronic items. Now wheat flour “smugglers” are the main enemies of Pakistan. Almost every province has restricted the transportation of wheat floor. Thus making more problem for the people North West Frontier Province, Baluchistan and many in Afghanistan who are dependent on wheat floar from Punjab and Sind 

 

There are massive electricity crises. The electricity is released on load shedding basis, in most cases there is electricity available for 10 to 12 hours a day in most parts of the country. The countryside is worst hit by this. There is no commercial gas available to all the industries for the last two weeks. Thus closing down of many hundreds factories. Even hospital s is not spared from this. Hundreds of thousands workers are laid off from the factories and they are asked to wait when the electricity and gas is restored to full capacity.

 

LPG gas has disappeared. The price has gone up from 50 Rupees a kilogram to 100/110 Rupees a kilogram if you can find one LPG gas shop open. The price of one kilogram of vegetable has gone up to 125 Rupees from 100 earlier. Almost there is a 25 percent price hike of everything available in the shops and super markets.

 

Yet there is neither wage increase nor any temporary compensation for the people.

 

This is a very good ground for the very rich politicians from Muslim League Q, who are main supporters of Musharaf. They will buy votes in bulk for the scheduled 18 February general elections. The objective reality of hardship of life under Musharaf with PPP taking part in elections may cut across the massive sympathy wave for PPP that they are counting on. However, there is a limit to that tactics.

 

Musharaf dictatorship has failed to curb the ongoing incidents of suicidal attacks. The religious fundamentalists groups in Wazirestan and Swat are not budging down despite a heavy military operation. They are striking back repeatedly. On 16 January, a group of religious extremist occupied a fort in North Wazirestan, which was used by Pakistan military. The newspapers reported eight army men killed while 20 disappeared, while unconfirmed reports put the causalities very high than the official announcement Government reported the killings of 50 militants as well.

 

There are several incidents where most of the suicidal attackers were less than 16 year of age. The completely new young generation has been motivated by the religious fundamentalists to take an all out war against the friends of imperialism and “enemies of Islam”.

 

There is lot of discontent among the police force and bureaucracy in Pakistan. They are sick and tired of their usage against the masses and movement. Many police officers are very often speaking against Musharaf government to their friends and contacts. There is no support among the public employees for the military dictatorship but are forced to go on.

 

Musharaf dictatorship is isolated and very much hated. It is a dictatorship supported by none but by American imperialism and its allies. It is trying its best to survive. However, the day of the military regimes are numbered. It cannot survive for long despite all the help of its political friends. It is the most hated dictatorship in the history of Pakistan. Day by day, it is loosing. Musharaf has survived by the most modern security arrangements available at present time. However, these will not work all the times in the wake of tremendous haterdness building up.

 

 

 

 

PIA and LPP to launch protest campaign, strike against government

 

18 January 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Daily Times Lahore

16 January 2008

 

LAHORE: Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) employees and Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) workers have threatened to launch a large-scale protest campaign and strike against the government for privatising the airline and for trying to sell its assets.


LPP spokesman Farooq Tariq said at a press conference held here by the Anti-Privatisation Alliance, that the government was trying to sell one of the biggest assets of the country (PIA) under the tag of privatisation in order to recover its deficit by sacking around 5,000 of its employees and by selling the Roosevelt Hotel in New York, which was PIA property. He said the hotel was being sold for $500 million against its original price, which was estimated at $2 billion.


Tariq said the future of more than 5,000 employees and their families would be at stake if the government made this move. He reminded the government that it would have to suffer a great loss keeping in mind that it could not afford the strike of around 250 engineers a few months back. The alliance, comprising PIA employees and LPP workers, maintained that it would not allow such corruption to occur and that it would halt the privatisation by launching a strike campaign in which the workers and employees would shut down all the flights and activities of the department and come out on to the roads.


Farooq Tariq alleged that current finance minister Salman Shah was involved in the conspiracy of selling and privatising the PIA at a very low price. He added the government had, for this purpose, deployed Zaffar A Khan as chairman of the PIA board of directors, since he had already helped in the privatisation process of Pakistan Telecommunications Ltd and the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation. staff report

 

Airline employees, LPP workers alliance warn govt of strikes

 Wednesday, January 16, 2008 The News International

By By Our Correspondent

 

LAHORE

 

ANTI-PRIVATISATION Alliance consisting of Pakistan International Airlines employees and Labour Party Pakistan workers have threatened to launch a large-scale protest campaign and strike against the government if it attempted to sell the airline’s assets and privatise it.

 

In a press conference held at the alliance office on Tuesday, Labour Party Pakistan general secretary Farooq Tariq said the government wants to PIA, one of the biggest assets of the country, to recover their so-called deficit by sacking around 5,000 employees of t he airline and by selling the Roosevelt Hotel in New York, USA, which was property of PIA.

 

He also said the workers would launch a large-scale strike campaign shutting down flights and all the activities of the PIA if the government went ahead with the privatisation idea. He further said this issue is associated with the future of more than 5,000 employees and their families and that the government would have to face the brunt of the strike whereas the government was not able cope with a strike by around 250 engineers a few months back.

 

He alleged that people including the Finance Minister Salman Shah were involved in the conspiracy of selling and privatising the department on very low price while they had specially deployed Zaffar A Khan as chairman of the PIA Board of Directors as he already helped privatisation of Pakistan Telecommunication Ltd and KESC. Farooq Tariq added the Roosevelt Hotel is being sold for 500 million US dollars against its estimated price of $ 2 billion. The employees and labourers won’t let this corruption to take place and would stop the privatisation by striking and taking to the streets in thousands.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fatima Bhutto and others response to my article

 

25 January 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

Date: 18 January 2008

 

Dear all,

 

The article I wrote yesterday, “Pakistan collapsing, Musharaf must go” is widely distributed around the globe by many groups prior to Musharaf visit of Europe as a source of fresh information from Pakistan. 
 
Here are some of the comments on the article including that of Fatima Bhutto, Dr Haider Mehdi and others. 
 
Please find a copy of the article enclosed as well. 
 
Fraternally,
 
Farooq Tariq 
 
 


 

From: “Fatima Bhutto”:
Thank you for the article Mr. Tariq and for pointing out these grave inequities in the political system. 
I very much enjoyed reading it.
In solidarity,
Fatima Bhutto 

 



 

“Dear Mr. Farooq,

 

I do appreciate your efforts to assemble the facts and figures on which you gave an excellent spin to your article, and want to appreciate too for providing the solutions to bell this cat!!!

 

As you know the sources have confirmed today to bring the (on job)army officers back to their respective positions who are currently serving in civil infrastructure, and to derive a future policy in this regard. I think, this will be another setback to the credibility of President Musharraf.  

 

But please do keep in mind that our nation don’t want to lose another C130!!!

 

Hats off to you for sending me your article.

 

High Regards

 

Athar Ali Shah”

 

 

 

Dear Farooq,

 

Greetings.  Thanks for sending your article to me this morning.  I fully agree with your analysis, diagnosis and the

solution that you have offered.  In the wake of Benazir’s grusome murder, the PPP should have called for an election

boycott (as Nawaz Sharif did initially) and mobilized the entire nation to ask for Musharraf’s resignation. (I raised exactly

the same point in my article “A Word to the Wise” that appeared in The Nation on Jan. 8th.) But they

did not do it, and instead decided to capitalize immediately on the sympathy vote.  That’s a chance that has been

lost forever.

 

I do not look at Musharraf as a person — He is a symbol of political incorretness that is destroying Pakistan.

Musharraf must go now. 

 

Best of Regards,

Dr. Haider Mehdi

 

 

 

If the solidarity of Pakistan depends only on one

person that let the damn thing collapse.

 

I personally believe that we should start looking

beyond Mush and not waste our energy as if an angel

will come after Mush and all will live happily live

ever after.

 

This kind of nonsense belongs to the dark ages.

 

nhassa

 

 

Here is the copy of my article,

 

 

Pakistan Collapsing, Musharraf Must Go

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

PAKISTAN IS ON the fast track to collapse under the Pervez Musharraf dictatorship. The state is in immense crisis. The infrastructure, industrial and social, is in total chaos. The economic crisis is showing its muscles. Inflation is uncontrollable and unemployment is ever increasing.

 

The vast majority of ordinary people of Pakistan believe that he will never leave power alive:  ”If he is not killed, he will kill us all one by one.” He has become the most unpopular president of Pakistan. Musharraf is widely seen as a person who has orchestrated the murder of Benazir Bhutto. “Qaatal Qaatal Musharraf Qaatal” (“Murderer the murderer, Musharraf the murderer”) was the main slogan of the mass reaction.

 

All the twist and turns of the Musharraf dictatorship after the murder has strengthened the doubts of the masses in this regard. “He asked her to come to Pakistan by negotiating and let her be killed” is a remark you hear very often. Despite that, Musharraf has consistently shown that he will stick to power by any means: “He is the ultimate power,” “Pakistan needs him, Pakistan first,” “Pakistan my top priority” is some of his routine sloganeering.

 

Here in Pakistan, however, many do not trust him anymore here. The desperation of the masses to remove Musharraf is clear everywhere. The mass movement had attempted to throw him out of power after the assassination of Benazir. This was an unprecedented movement for five days from 27 December, 2007. Not a single shop was open, no wheel on the move, no factory working, no bank open, no office functioning, no restaurant or hotel open, no train on the move, flights cancelled, schools and colleges closed and thousands and thousands were on the road protesting — this was the most unexpected outburst of mass anger after the killing.

 

Nevertheless, unfortunately, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leadership had not learned from history. They saw in this crisis an important occasion to show that they are the responsible defender of the system. They appealed to the masses to cool down, go back to their work and turn their anger into votes for the Pakistan Peoples Party.

 

This was the time when the majority of the political parties had declared a boycott of the elections and demanded Musharraf’s immediate resignation. Had the PPP joined other parties in boycotting the general elections, Musharraf would have gone by now.

 

They had not realized the post-assassination scenario or anticipated the total collapse of the economy in the following days. They had not thought of the tactics Musharraf’s supporters would use to rig the election if given the chance. In the Sind province (the PPP’s stronghold) alone, over 4000 First Investigation Reports (FIR) has been registered by police against a record number of half a million PPP and other opposition political activists. Many PPP activists were arrested to be released on bail later. Many thousands have gone to secure bail even before being arrested.

 

The tactics of the PPP leadership put the party in a defensive position. Three weeks after the Benazir Bhutto assassination, the PPP is on the run. Yet Musharraf had been on the defensive after the killing. He was relived when the PPP leadership took the decision to participate in the elections. At a time when the consciousness of the whole of Pakistan was anti-Musharraf, with the active participation in the mass movement, the PPP leadership’s announcement to participate in elections was like a fire truck putting cold water on the boiling heat.

 

Moreover, what kind of election is taking place on 18 February? Before the announcement of the general election, 60 top judges were put under house arrest on 3 November 2007 when martial law was imposed in the name of emergency; many are still in house arrest, particularly Chief Justice Iftikhar Ahmed Choudhry. As of 14 January, all public meetings and election rallies were banned for a month on the name of “security.” Thus, effectively, there is not going to be any mass campaigning by political parties.

 

Most of the opposition parties that are taking part in the elections are already complaining that it will be rigged, and that they have proof of rigging in the voting lists. All the rules laid out by the Election Commission of Pakistan about the size and width of the posters, pamphlets, stickers, signboards and banners have been widely violated by most of the candidates.

 

It is race of money among the candidates, like a business competition –not a democracy that is going to be restored by the election, but a mockery of democracy. The general election has given the masses a chance to choose among exploiters. The condition that a candidate must be at least a university graduate means that less than one percent of the whole population had a chance to become candidates.

 

Three weeks after the assassination of Benazir, on 17 January 2008, there is unprecedented price hikes for everything. Wheat flour, the most used food item in Pakistan, has shot up from 13 Rupees a kilogram to 25 to 50 Rupees, if you can find it in shops. After failing to buy the wheat flour from the government concessional utility store, some women have attempted suicide. Food riots have been reported in many parts of the country.

 

There is regular news on television and newspapers that “smugglers” of wheat floor have been arrested. Previously smuggling was normally restricted to gold and electronic items. Now wheat flour “smugglers” are the main enemies of Pakistan. Almost every province has restricted the transportation of wheat floor, creating more problems for the people of North West Frontier Province, Baluchistan and many in Afghanistan who are dependent on wheat flour from Punjab and Sind.

 

There are also massive electricity crises. Electricity is released on a load-shedding basis, with electricity available for 10 to 12 hours a day in most parts of the country. The countryside is worst hit by this shortage. There is no commercial gas available to industries for the last two weeks, thus closing down hundreds of factories. Even hospitals are not spared. Hundreds of thousands of workers have been laid off from the factories; they are asked to wait until electricity and gas is fully restored.

 

LPG gas has disappeared. The price has gone up from 50 Rupees a kilogram to 100/110 Rupees a kilogram, if you can find one LPG gas shop open. The price of one kilogram of vegetables has gone from 100 Rupees to 125 Rupees. There is almost a 25 percent price hike of everything available in shops and supermarkets. Yet there is neither a wage increase nor any temporary compensation for the people.

 

This is fertile ground for the very rich politicians from Muslim League Q, who are the main supporters of Musharraf. They will buy votes in bulk for the general election. The hardship of life under Musharraf, with the PPP taking part in the election, may cut across the massive sympathy wave that PPP is counting on.

 

The Musharraf dictatorship, however, has failed to curb the ongoing suicide attacks. Religious fundamentalists groups in Wazirestan and Swat are not backing down. Despite a heavy military operation, they are striking back repeatedly. On 16 January, a group of religious extremists occupied a fort in North Wazirestan, which was used by Pakistan military. The newspapers reported eight army men killed with 20 disappeared, while unconfirmed reports put the causalities much higher. The government reported 50 militants were killed.

 

There are several incidents where most of the suicide attackers have been less than 16 years of age. The completely new generation has been motivated by religious fundamentalists to make an all-out war against the friends of imperialism and “enemies of Islam.”

 

There is also much discontent among the police force and bureaucracy. They are sick and tired of being used against the masses. Many police officers speak against the Musharraf government to their friends and contacts. There is no support among the public employees for the military dictatorship, but they are forced to go on.

 

The Musharraf dictatorship is isolated and the most hated in the history of Pakistan. It is a dictatorship supported only by American imperialism and its allies. It is trying its best to survive. However, the days of the military regime are numbered. It cannot survive for long despite all the help of its political friends. Musharraf has survived through the most modern security arrangements available, but these will not work all the time in the wake of tremendous hatred that is building up.

 

 

 

 

 

Can Musharraf Survive?



 

By: Farooq Tariq



 

It seems that Musharraf is on his last leg. He has become the most detested and despicable president in the history of Pakistan. No longer are there progressives, liberals or moderates in his camp. His enlightened moderation has been buried with the passage of time. 

Musharraf is unloved even by most religious extremists. His previous policies gave them space into which they have moved aggressively. But 
Washington demanded that he suppress them in order to prove his usefulness to U.S. imperialism and he did so. However he did not please either Washington or the extremists. 

The economic crisis has isolated him from the vast majority of ordinary Pakistanis, including formerly close associates. His traditional support among the stock exchange and Chambers of Commerce has evaporated. They are no more his enthusiastic supporters. 

Musharraf’s comments about democracy during his nine-day European tour (starting 20 January 2008) has annoyed democrats inside and outside Pakistan. The comment that the “West is obsessed about democracy” was a direct insult to the people of Pakistan but his sarcastic and taunting tone did not please his European friends. Gone are the days when he could say any nonsense and get away with it!

His recent comment echoed his remark during his 2006 U.S. tour, where he managed to annoy women organizations inside and outside Pakistan. He had prevented Muktaran Mai, who was gang raped on the order of the local Punchait, from leaving Pakistan. In explaining his action he told reporters that the impression was that she had gotten “raped in order to get a visa.” 

The recent murder of Benazir Bhutto was a shock to many of the European governments that had been friendly to Musharraf. He had previously projected the image that he was their much need friend in the war on terror. But the unprecedented reaction to Benazir’s brutal assasination is shattering his image at home and abroad.

The U.S. and British governments’ projected Plan A for maintaining stability in Pakistan was built on the unholy governing combination of Benazir and Musharaf. This has come undone by the Benazir assassination. There seems to be no Plan B. Has Musharaf outlived his usefulness to his imperialist masters? His tour of Europe may be an attempt to reassure his colleagues in Pakistan that he is still able to secure the support of his European friends. One recalls a similar trip to Washington in October 1999 by Nawaz Sharif, just before his overthrow.

Musharraf’s repeated assurances that nuclear weapons are in safe hands and the army cannot be defeated by religious fundamentalists illustrates the concerns of the friendly European countries. His trip is to address these worries by putting on a “brave” face. However, his justification in imposing the emergency, disposing and arresting the country’s top judges, arresting thousands and curbing the media will satisfy none. Now he is imposing democracy as he imposed the emergency, bringing democracy with the barrel of his gun. 

In the face of the proposed 18 February 2008 general elections there are two political camps: those participating and those boycotting. The massive turnout at the boycott meeting by All Parties Democratic Movement on 22 January in Loralai, Baluchistan indicates that the boycott campaign is picking up steam. This was the fourth successive APDM mass rally in Baluchistan. 

The Pakistan Muslim league Q (PMLQ), Musharraf’s favorite, is in absolute crisis after the recent shortages of food items, electricity and gas. The PMLQ candidates are the target of anti-Musharaf consciousness. The general perception is that if you are against Musharraf, do not vote for the PMLQ. Following Benazir’s assassination, the wave of sympathy has opposed the PMLQ. 

Unless there is an all-out rigging of the election, there is no guarantee that Musharraf’s supported candidates will win the election. If Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim league Nawaz (PMLN) candidates gain a 
majority in the next parliament, Musharaf will find very difficult to repeat what he did following the 2002 election, when he bribed many PMLN and PPP parliamentarians to join hands with the PMLQ to form a majority government. At that time, shortly after 9/11, Musharraf’s military regime was supported by both U.S. and European governments. But in 2008 he is seen standing in the wind. It will be difficult for any parliamentarian elected on anti-Musharaf feeling to cross over to his camp.

Boycott, or no boycott, the future scenario seems more and more problematic for Musharraf. His departure seems written on the front door of every home. Only another 9/11-like situation could alter his fate. Students are awakening and so is the trade union movement. That, combined with the pressure from the lawyers movement and growing participation by civil society, may succeed in pushing Musharraf from power.

Pakistan may take a page from their nearby Nepalese brothers and sisters. “If they can get rid of the King, why can not we do it here with the military dictatorship?” is the question many of the activists ask.

Let’s do it Nepalese way: with a peaceful massive movement everyone can get out into the street and make it clear that Musharraf must go. “Go Musharaf Go.”
 


 

 

 

 

 

 

WSF week of action in Pakistan, LEF seminar report

 

29 January 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

WSF week of action in Pakistan
 


Labour Education Foundation seminar report
 


HRCP links democracy to army’s accountability



By Our Reporter

 


LAHORE, Jan 26: Human Rights Commission of Pakistan Vice-Chairperson Hina Jilani has said accountability of the military dictators is the biggest challenge faced by democracy in Pakistan.

Speaking at the world social forum seminar on ‘Military dictatorship and challenges faced by democracy’ at the Lahore Press Club on Saturday, she said the army had been in power directly or indirectly since 1953 and made it impossible for the political forces to come into power and run the affairs of the country without its cooperation.

The accountability of Gen Pervez Musharraf (retired) was required instead of his death or ouster, but it was not possible as long as the military was in power directly or indirectly.

She said poverty, hunger and unemployment had increased during the tenure of Musharraf contrary to the claims of progress and prosperity made by him during his foreign tour. The ex-general should better tour Pakistan to verify his claim and check his popularity among the masses.

She said the refusal of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to accept his dictation had given courage to 60 judges of superior courts to stand up for the independence of judiciary which was necessary not only for meeting the ends of justice but also for political, economic and civil liberties.

President Musharraf had criticised the media during his European tour but failed to cite even a single example to substantiate his allegations. She said democracy could not be restored without a political process. The movement launched by the lawyers was also against dictatorship and it should be continued. The general election would not be credible without an independent election commission and restoration of the Constitution and independence of the judiciary.

Former president of Supreme Court Bar Association and Tehrik-i-Insaaf senior vice-chairman, Hamid Khan, said military dictatorship was no doubt the biggest challenge to democracy which was yet to come to Pakistan. Pakistan’s dictatorship was unique in the sense that it had always dominated the politics directly or indirectly. President Musharraf only talked of sharing power because he considered that only the military had the right to rule the country.

He said the military had so much vested interests in governance that it could dismember the country but not agree to part with power. Benazir Bhutto was eliminated not because of being a popular political leader because of crossing the line drawn by the military and dealing with the US directly. The US supported the military dictators instead of civilian heads of state because it considered handling the generals easier.

South Asia Partnership director Muhammad Tehsin said the ouster of Pervez Musharraf would not be different from Ziaul Haq and Ayub Khan. The western countries supported the military rulers to maintain their hold over the developing countries. The World Economic Forum, which invited the general to address its members during his European tour, was a gathering of `international thugs’ with 75 per cent members from Europe and the US. Its membership fee was $1.2 million per annum.

He said the government had alienated the NWFP, Sindh and Balochistan from Punjab due to its policies. He said elections were only a mean to the restoration of democracy. He said foreign interference was on the increase in Pakistan to the extent that they were deciding about the participation of Mian Nawaz Sharif in elections.

Labour Party Pakistan spokesman Farooq Tariq said the people had suffered greatly during the rule of Gen Musharraf. Hundreds of thousands of workers had lost their jobs as a result of privatisation of public sector units and the poor had become poorer owing to the economic policies aimed at benefiting the rich.

He was of the view that PPP could have boycotted the elections after the assassination of its chairperson Benazir Bhutto.

Punjab Tehrik-i-Insaaf president Ahsan Rashid said the armed forces were not only ruling the country but had also become the owners of vast tracts of land and operators of businesses of hundreds of billions of rupees. Women Workers Helpline secretary-general Bushra Khaliq said Pakistan had always been ruled by dictators since its independence. The movement launched by the lawyers against the military rule had isolated the supporters of dictatorship.






 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Plundering of Public Assets in Pakistan

A  Chronology of Privatization – (1991-2006)

 

2nd February 2008

 

By Abdul Khaliq
(CADTM-Pakistan)

 

 

·        Pakistan, under the gospel of market economy is aggressively pursuing the policy of market liberalization and privatization since 1991.

·        Government of Pakistan during 1990s after being hit by economic downturn was forced to adopt Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) under IMF to reform economy suffering from macroeconomic instability. Under the SAP, it adopted the policy of market liberalization, privatization and deregulation.

·        Pakistan, since then seems to have indulged in privatization binge under which plans have been set to sell off a number of profitable public sector institutions in sheer hurry, without realizing the negative consequences on the socially marginalized classes.

·        Since 1991 till April 2006, Government of Pakistan had completed or approved 160 transactions at gross sale price of Rs. 395.241 billion in the last 15 years.  The sale of 26 per cent PTCL shares in 2006 alone fetched $2.5 billion. An astounding 130 privatized enterprises out of total 160 have been collapsed.

·        According to the Privatization Commission Ordinance 2000, 90 percent of the proceeds are spent for debt servicing and 10 percent go to poverty alleviation programs. But the privatization proceeds are reportedly misused by successive regimes.

·        Since 1990, about 0.6 millions workers have been rendered jobless as a result of implementation of ruthless and thoughtless privatization and neo-liberal policies in Pakistan. 64 percent of the workers in privatized units were forced to take “golden shake hand” in the name of voluntary separation scheme (VSS).

·        The privatization of State Owned Enterprises (SOE) became an important instrument of the state economic policy in late 80s. However, it was in 1991 that privatization process in Pakistan became effective. In 1988, the new government of Benazir Bhutto appointed a British firm M/s N.M. Rothschild, as consultants, to undertake a study on privatization strategy and selection of prospective candidates. The consultants submitted their report to the government in May 1989.

·        The report recommended privatization on widespread ownership basis as an appropriate strategy for Pakistan. By “Wide Spread Ownership” the consultants meant development of Pakistan’s capital markets. After analysis of more than 50 companies, the consultants short-listed seven companies as potential candidates for widespread offers. These included Habib Bank, Muslim Commercial Bank Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC), Pakistan International Airlines Corporation (PIAC). Pakistan State Oil (PSO), Sui Southern Gas Company (SSGC) and Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Ltd (SNGPL). The government of Benazir Bhutto had not enough time to privatize the identified units as it was sacked on charges of corruption in early 90s.

·        The government of Nawaz Sharif soon after assuming power in November 1990, declared privatization as its primary economic policy objective. The agenda of privatization announced by the Government covered a wide spectrum of fields like industries, banks, development finance institutions, tele-communications and infrastructure facilities.

·        As a first step towards privatization, a Committee on Dis-investment and De-regulation was formed. The committee recommended the disinvestment of 118 industrial units, which included 45 nationalized units taken over during the period 1972-74. The government approved this disinvestment plan and announced the creation of a Privatization Commission on 22nd January 1991. This period of Nawaz Sharif government saw massive privatization in all sectors with 68 units handed over to private owners from 1991 to 93.

 

·        In the period from 1992 to 1994 assets worth Rs.120 billion were divested. The consultants engaged by Asian Development Bank conducted a thorough study of the first period. They published a detailed report in 1998. According to an evaluation of privatization in 1992-94 by ADB, only 22% of the privatized units were performing better than in the pre-privatization period, 44% approximately the same and about 34% worse than before.

 

·        Moreover, the most tragic consequence of privatization was the closure of 20 units after transfer to private owners. The closure of these units has played havoc with the national economy and the first phase of privatization contributed to the lower rate of industrial and economic growth. The GDP growth, which was above 6% in 1980s declined to around 4% in the post privatization period. The buyers were not interested in running the privatized factories but in stripping the assets. This is a frequent bane of privatization. Assets strippers buy, pay one installment, remove the machinery, sell the real state and then walk away. All the engineering units except Millat and Al-Ghazi Tractors were closed after privatization, as their buyers had no intention of running them.

 

·        Analysis of the first this period of privatization has shown that it has not been able to achieve the intended goals of privatization. The procedure of privatization, according to ADB consultants, was also not transparent but smacked of cronyism and corruption.

·        The anti-trade union measures by successive regimes resulted in decrease of trade unions and union memberships. The number of registered unions increased from 708 in 60s to 2,522 in 70s and 6,551 in 80s respectively. Similarly their declared membership rose from 350,000 in 60s to 736,000 in 70s and 870,000 in 80s.But after the process of privatization trade union membership decreased from 870,000 in 80s to 296,257 in 1999.

 

·        General Mushraff regime after taking over in 1999 announced to continue neo-liberal policies. The regime has been bent upon privatizing big public units in industrial and services sector, like Habib Bank Limited, Pak Saudi Fertilizers and Pakistan Steel Mills.

 

·        The roller coaster of privatization in Pakistan was suddenly halted when Supreme Court of Pakistan, through suo moto notice, struck down the privatization of Pakistan Steel Mills in 2006. Gen Mushraff had sold out the only steel mills of Pakistan to his cronies at a throw away prices of just Rs. 33 billion. Only the affiliated assets of PSM stand at Rs. 133 billion.

 

·        The general perception that privatization result in higher level of efficiency is not true in case of Pakistan. Privatization has caused social development slow down. The pre-privatization period (1981-1991) witnessed an annual average growth rate of 6.7 % of GDP while it went down to 4.4 % during privatization period (1991-2001).  Two major objectives of privatization in Pakistan; debt-servicing and poverty alleviation have not been achieved. The total external debt rose from US $ 23.363 billion in 1991 to $ 40 billion in Dec 2007.

 

·        The reports of plundering of privatization money are also published. In July 2002, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) had detected a massive sum of Rs. 80 billion missing, collected from privatization, when it was disclosed that this money was not used for the debt retirement purpose. In addition to it, indiscriminate use of billions of rupees collected from the privatization money on consultant salaries and legal experts also raised troubling questions that who was actually benefiting from the whole privatization process after laying off thousands of workers. The PAC also learnt that consultants and advisors generally hired by the PC are heavily paid.  As much as Rs.5 billion were spent on the consultants, advisors etc.

 

·        In most of the responses to privatization union leadership failed to protect the genuine rights of the workers. They fell to opportunism, and succumbed to pressure of state, generating a great deal of disappointment among the workers and the general public. But the resistance of PTCL workers in 2005 was by no means a minute task. The 10-day strike was a great success. Though the spirit of this resistance, however, has not yet donned the cloak of a movement. But it definitely shows the decisive role of workers in the economy and the society.

 

·        Several other State Owned Enterprises including Pakistan Steel Mills, Pakistan State Oil, Pakistan Railways, Wapda and other gas and energy units are in queue to put on the block. The commitment with which the state is pursuing the privatization agenda has virtually turned Pakistan into a hunting ground for international capital.

 

 

 

Zero fervor for elections



 

6 February 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq



 

Thirteen days to go and yet there is no election excitement. There are no street corner meetings or large-scale public rallies. The main leadership of those parties participating in the elections plan no national tours. It could be the most colorless election in the history of Pakistan. 

The reasons are simple: General Musharraf wanted it that way. Before announcing the date for the general elections, he imposed martial law. He arrested over 10,000 political activists and lawyers, removed all the top judges, amended the constitution and got himself elected as “civilian” president. He wanted five more years in power. 

General Musharraf’s allies made all the arrangement to “win” the elections before announcing the date. They wanted a snap election where the opposition would have no time to mobilizing its base. It was to be a general election held without an independent judiciary, with a dependent Election Commission, and with repression still alive. This was the ideal circumstance for a “win.” 

Pressured by American and British imperialism, Musharraf was forced to implement a power-sharing deal with the Benazir Bhutto and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). However, supporters of military rule, having enjoyed all the power during Mussharraf’s first eight years, opposed the deal, dragged their heels and set up hurdles. 

Following Musharraf’s imposition of emergency law, the lawyers’ movement rightly demanded that political parties boycott the fraudulent election. The majority agreed, including former prime minister Nawaz Sharif and his Muslim League (PMLN). But the PPP kept its bargain and Benazir Bhutto began her vigorous campaign. It was her unfortunate assassination on 27 December 2007 that shocked the whole world. Had the PPP leadership then demanded Musharraf’s immediate resignation, he would be gone by now.

Following Benazir’s assassination the PPP leadership wanted to cash in on sympathy votes and demanded that the 8 January election not be postponed. Nonetheless the Election Commission proposed the general elections until 18 February 2008, providing Musharraf supporters with a breathing space.

The mass reaction after Benazir Bhutto’s death opened the lid on the economic crisis: There was shortage of everything, from wheat flour to electricity. Musharraf’s claim that he provided eight years of uninterrupted economic boom was shattered within few days. The long queues in front of public Utility Stores across Pakistan revealed the desperate situation the masses were living in.

The lawyers’ movement did not retreat. It has continued to demand the release and reinstatement of the country’s top judges. They are still actively supported by civil society organizations and the students. Despite the reality that the lawyers’ demand is one of the most popular issues of the day, both the PPP and PMLN decided to participate in the February general election.

The combination of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, the economic crisis and the boycott appeal of both the lawyers movement and the All Parties Democratic Movement has minimized election fervor. If the 18 February election does take place, the PPP will get a massive sympathy vote from those going to the polls. But not much will change because the PPP leadership has already made it clear that it is willing to work with Musharraf.

The PPP has nothing to offer to the people of Pakistan. It believes in privatization and it is happy to go along with the imperialist policies for the region. In fact this is not a new turn for the PPP; it has gone along with these policies for long time. The same is true for Nawaz Sharaf’s PMLN. In fact all those participating in the elections share one common goal with Musharraf: a continuation of the present economic “reforms.”

All those on the Left who expected an election where there would be a mobilization of masses and, consequently, a chance to work among them must be very disappointed. This is not an ordinary general election. This is a very calculated plot on the part of the Musharraf dictatorship to continue for the next five years with the collaboration of those who will be “elected.” This is not an election that can mobilize the masses to build a movement that could overthrow the dictatorship after the elections. But there is a growing movement against the military dictatorship. 

The Pakistan Peoples Party is paying the price of its participation in the election, at least among the most active strata of society. The PPP lawyers once had the support of over 80 percent of Bar Association of Pakistan. However, recent Bar Association election results reveal an opposite trend. 

The Lahore Bar Association elections show that the PPP-nominated president got less than 400 votes. The Awami Jamhoori Tehreek, (the Left alliance) candidate received 1075 and lost by less than 100 votes. The brother of “Marxist” PPP former Member of Parliament (the Ted Grant group) was also badly defeated for Qasur Bar Association president. The Labour Party Pakistan Punjab chairperson received the highest number of votes for the executive board. The elections were won by supporters of Hamid Khan group.
 
At the Multan High Court Bar Association meeting on 4 February, the Bar’s president attempted to defend the PPP decision to participate in the fraudulent February election, agitating lawyers forced him to stop speaking. Earlier, in another incident at Lahore University of Management, the PPP and PMLN representatives had to face angry students and civil society activists who were shouting for a total boycott.

So far the election campaign is limited to newspaper and television advertisements, billboards, stickers, banners and posters. There are no local public meetings. Unlike in the past, the candidates’ temporary offices look deserted. The PPP is counting on sympathy votes and it believes that it does not need a mass public campaign, as was the case in the past. At the same time both the PPP and PMLN are already complaining about Musharraf’s supporters plan to rig the vote. 

The lethargy toward this election is a phenomenon that deserves serious examination. How many would go to the polls has to be seen, but it is clear from all indicators that it will be the most hollow election in the history of Pakistan.





 

 

 

 

A golden prospect to oust Musharaf

 

19 February 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

Masses have spoken once again. They do not like the military dictatorship. They want Musharaf out. They have acted in their own manner to express their hope to oust Musharaf. Massive anti Musharaf vote on 18 February 2008 across Pakistan speak for itself.

 

Anyone seems to be supporting the military dictatorship has been punished. The pro Musharaf Muslim League Q (PMLQ) lost badly despite the entire pre poll rigging. The religious fundamentalist parties taking part in the elections were the worst hit. It was an electoral revolution against the military dictatorship. Thanks to the advocates movement that has spearhead the struggle against Musharaf in a different arena.

 

Contrary to the analysis of many, the boycott campaign by All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) helped anti Musharaf vote to express in a united manner. The tone of all the 18 mass rallies of APDM was anti Musharaf. The boycott campaign was particularly successful in Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province (NWFP). Here the split in MMA on the question of boycott strategy was the fundamental reason for the victory of Awami National Party (ANP) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

 

If APDM parties would have taken part in the elections, MMA might have been united. In that case, they might not been humiliated the way they have been now. From 13 percent in 2002 general elections, they have gone down to less than five percent. They cannot play any part in any future government’s formation strategy.

 

If Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf, the Left parties and the nationalist parties of Baluchistan and NWFP who are the main parties behind APDM, were to take part in the general elections, the anti Musharaf vote would have been divided. It may have helped the PMLQ to win some more seats. 

 

It was an all out attack on Musharaf from all fronts. Those boycotting and those participating had one popular slogan in common, “go Musharaf go”.

 

The advocate’s movement and the courageous stand by the top judges had made Musharaf very unpopular. He did not believed the pre poll surveys, which predicted less than 12 percent support for him.

 

The defeat of pro Musharaf parties has a lot of parallel to the historic defeat of Bartiya Junta Party (BJP) during the 2004 Indian general elections. The so-called “India shining” sloganeering was repeated by PMLQ during this election campaign by massive advertisements in the electronic and print media. The “development” at the cost of suffering of human beings will never pay back in political terms is a lesson of this humiliated defeat of PMLQ.

 

PMLQ leader Choudry Shujaat Hussain was so convinced of his development work in his constituency that he slept in the afternoon of the Election Day. He commented on 16 February 2008 to a private television channel GEO, “I have provided electricity to every village of his constituency, there is no need for more campaign”.  He lost both seats that he was contesting. He forgot that while he provided electricity to all the villages of his constituency at the cost of other districts but the prices of every day items had not come down but increased tremendously.

 

The PMLN landslide in Punjab was due to Nawaz Sharif clear stand on the restoration of the judiciary, lowering of prices and no compromise with Musharaf dictatorship. The demand of restoration of top judges is very popular in Punjab particularly where the advocate movement has been more vocal.

 

Unfortunately, Pakistan Peoples Party of assassinated Benazir Bhutto hesitated on the question and ultimately decided not to support the demand of restoration of judges.  It paid the price in Punjab where despite the entire sympathy wave; PPP was unable to capitalize fully the anti Musharaf vote.

 

Masses have spoken. Now the leaders of PPP and PMLN have to act accordingly. They must demand an immediate resignation of Musharaf. They must take up the restoration question of judges immediately. They must not share power with Musharaf.

 

They must change the economic priorities of Musharaf era, the implementation of neo liberal agenda. The masses has suffered a lot because of these polices. There has been unprecedented price hike because of the so-called free market policies. Musharaf has acted upon every advice of IMF and World Bank. His tall claim of economic growth stands absolute exposed.

 

I wrote an article, “Can Musharaf Survive” on 25 January 2008. It starts from this paragraph:

 

“It seems that Musharaf is on his last leg. He has become the most detested and despicable president in the history of Pakistan. No longer are there progressives, liberals or moderates in his camp. His enlightened moderation has been buried with the passage of time”.

 

It goes on, “The Pakistan Muslim league Q (PMLQ), Musharaf favorite, is in absolute crisis after the recent shortages of food items, electricity and gas. The PMLQ candidates are the target of anti-Musharaf consciousness. The general perception is that if you are against Musharaf; do not vote for the PMLQ. Following Benazir assassination, the wave of sympathy has opposed the PMLQ. Unless there is an all-out rigging of the election, there is no guarantee that Musharaf supported candidates will win the election. If Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim league Nawaz (PMLN) candidates gain a majority in the next parliament, Musharaf will find very difficult to repeat what he did following the 2002 election, when he bribed many PMLN and PPP parliamentarians to join hands with the PMLQ to form a majority government”.

 

It ends on this note, “Boycott, or no boycott, the future scenario seems more and more problematic for Musharaf. His departure seems written on the front door of every home”.

 

We had understood the processes that were going on among the working class in Pakistan. Unfortunately, the Labour Party Pakistan had not the mass basis to bring this anti Musharaf consciousness to its conclusion, the end of capitalism and feudalism and for a Socialist Pakistan.

 

LPP along with other Left parties will continue to press demands for the total isolation of military from politics. Those responsible for atrocities under military dictatorships be brought in peoples courts, a real accountability for the generals in politics.

 

The vote on 18 February is vote of no confidence on Musharaf policies. PPP and PMLN must change the course of economic policies of Musharaf. Otherwise, with a brief period of honeymoon, they will be seen as those who have betrayed the wishes of masses.

 

The parties of the rich and capitalist, the PPP and PMLN have been able to capitalize on anti Musharaf feelings of the masses. They cannot go very far on the dictations of IMF and World Bank. There is no other alternative but to build a party of the working class. That is what Labour Party Pakistan is all about.    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Musharraf’s days could be numbered

 

20 February 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Musharraf’s days could be numbered 
 

By MATTHEW PENNINGTON, Associated Press Writer Tue Feb 19, 6:48 PM ET

 

 

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan – Pervez Musharraf has survived combat as a career soldier and assassination attempts as president. Now the will of his own people has pushed him to the precipice.

 

 

A sweeping opposition win in elections has diminished the U.S.-backed leader’s political standing as never before and many predict his days in power are numbered.

 

Musharraf has already given up his command of the army, and his rock-bottom popularity at home has diminished his effectiveness to his Western allies in the fight against Islamic extremism.

“I don’t see him surviving. It is just a question of time,” said Shafqat Mahmood, a political analyst who is a prominent commentator in Pakistani newspapers and television.

 

Monday’s elections, in which the ruling party mustered just 15 percent of the vote, exposed how little support Musharraf has among Pakistan’s 160 million people. Many are alarmed at rising Islamic militancy, weary of prolonged military rule and angry at high food prices.

 

The parties of Bhutto and former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, whom Musharraf ousted in a 1999 coup, came close to winning the two-thirds majority needed to impeach the president. According to nearly complete official returns, Bhutto’s party has 33.6 percent of National Assembly seats, and Sharif’s 25.9 percent.

 

“The fact that parties opposed to Musharraf won the election was a clear denunciation of his actions and politics,” Mahmood said. Key aides of the president, including the chairman of the ruling party, a former top government spokesman and the foreign minister, even failed to win parliamentary seats.

 

On Tuesday, Sharif reiterated his demand for Musharraf to step down — recalling the president’s statement last year that he would resign if he ever lost the support of the people.

“He has closed his eyes. He has said before that he would go when the people want him to do so and now the people have given their verdict,” Sharif told reporters in Lahore.

 

The weight of public animosity derives partly from Musharraf’s tight alliance with the White House in fighting the Taliban and al-Qaida — a battle few now see in Pakistan’s interests.

Yet perhaps more critically, it reflected anger over the military’s dominance for the past eight years, and Musharraf’s maneuvering to remain in power, which culminated in the state of emergency he declared in November to stop the Supreme Court from overturning his re-election as president by the previous parliament.

 

“Instead of being the unifying figure he is pretending to be, Musharraf has led Pakistan into a dark alley,” said Rasul Baksh Rais, a political science professor at Lahore University of Management Sciences. “The only way he can survive now is through manipulation, and the more he does that, the more public sentiment will go against him.”

 

Musharraf will try to hang on, telling the The Wall Street Journal in an interview posted Tuesday on the newspaper’s Web site that he intends to remain in office and work with the new government.

“We have to move forward in a way that we bring about a stable democratic government to Pakistan,” he said.

 

He agreed the election outcome was a reflection of Pakistanis’ dissatisfaction with his government, citing economic problems and his attempt to rein in judges as well as sympathy for the opposition after Benazir Bhutto’s assassination.

 

“All these things had a negative impact,” Musharraf said.

The elections were widely perceived in Pakistan and abroad as a triumph for democracy and the nation’s “moderate majority” — a phrase used Tuesday by visiting Sen. Joe Biden. But Musharraf faces a formidable task to persuade the victors he is a man they can work with.

 

While the leader of Bhutto’s party, her widowed husband Asif Ali Zardari, has yet to rule out working with Musharraf, most analysts say the retired general’s deep unpopularity would make him a political liability.

 

“‘Go Musharraf, go!’ will pick up very quickly,” said Rais, referring to the protest slogan raised by lawyers who have rallied for the deposed chief justice, Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry. “It will be his (Zardari’s) choice whether to be with the forces of change or with an individual widely despised in Pakistan.”

 

Athar Minallah, a prominent Supreme Court advocate lobbying for Chaudhry’s release, said that unless the next parliament restores judges axed by Musharraf by March 7, lawyers from across Pakistan would “lay siege to Islamabad” — not an enticing prospect for a new civilian government.

 

If the pre-emergency judiciary is reinstated, it would likely revisit the case that led to its ouster: whether Musharraf’s re-election was constitutional. That could again endanger his position and lead to another political crisis.

 

Hasan-Askari Rizvi, a political analyst, said if a coalition government of Bhutto and Sharif’s parties is able to win the support of independent lawmakers and achieve a two-thirds parliament majority, it is likely to seek Musharraf’s impeachment.

Still, the United States is urging the elected government’s leaders to work with Musharraf, a former special forces commando who has escaped at least two al-Qaida assassination attempts since he allied Pakistan with the U.S.-led war on terror groups and who remains a trusted ally.

 

“Ultimately President Musharraf is still the president of Pakistan and certainly we would hope that whoever becomes prime minister and whoever winds up in charge of the new government would be able to work with him and with all other factions,” State Department spokesman Tom Casey said Tuesday.

 

Bhutto’s party could agree to that to avoid upsetting the U.S., the chief aid donor to impoverished Pakistan, as it comes to grips with government after nearly 12 years out of power, said Zaffar Abbas, an editor at the Dawn newspaper.

 

Sharif, whose party fared better than expected in the election and won control of the key province of Punjab, might be willing to compromise on Musharraf’s survival provided other parties are seen to take responsibility for letting him off the hook.

 

But Musharraf would have to “learn to live compromises and a very reduced role. If he doesn’t, it’s a recipe for disaster for the democratic system and for President Musharraf himself,” Abbas said.

___

Matthew Pennington is the Associated Press bureau chief in Islamabad and has covered Pakistan since 2003. AP writer Stephen Graham in Lahore contributed to this report.



 

 

 

APDM and Baluchistan:

The boycott strategy weaken the dictatorship

 

20 February 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

While not appreciating the principal stand of All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) to boycott this general elections on the appeal of Pakistan Bar Council, several comrades have criticized the APDM boycott strategy. They say that it has helped the PMLQ to win some more seats in Baluchistan. They are enthralled by the victory of PPP and PMLN thus forgetting all aspects of the rigged elections.  

 

The hidden message is that the boycott has helped the Musharaf supporters to win the seats. In other words, the boycott strategy was to help Musharaf dictatorship.

 

This is all none sense.

 

These comrades based themselves on the fact that masses have voted against the regime and that the dictatorship was unable to rig the results. This is a half-truth. Yes, masses have spoken in very clear terms against the military dictatorship. However, there was unprecedented rigging during the whole process of elections and more so on the Election Day. The fact that PPP and PMLN have reasonable votes does not mean that the elections were free and fare.

 

In Baluchistan, not more than 8 percent went to votes were casted according to APDM sources in Baluchistan, yet the percentage of voting is shown more than 2002 elections. This is contrary to the facts that all Baluch nationalist parties were boycotting the elections.

 

The various Baluch nationalist parties took 32.62 percent of the total votes in the general elections of 2002. Yet they were only able to fetch three national assembly seats. This was because several nationalist parties were competing each other.

 

From 2002 to 2008, Baluch nationalist parties with courage contested the army action in Baluchistan, killing of Akbar Bugti ad Bajaj Marri, disappearing of thousands, killing of hundreds during the military actions, displacing of thousands because of military actions, loot and plunder of Baluchistan national assets. They were able to organize several all Baluchistan strike actions successfully.

 

All the political indicators had shown a tremendous growth of nationalist forces in Baluchistan. If they had taken part in the 2008 elections, they would have got the absolute majority in Baluchistan assembly. However, they boycotted on a principal position to show solidarity with the advocate movement. Their percentage of votes would have gone up from 32 percent of 2002.

 

While the MMA votes in 2002 elections were, 21.74 percent and they had six NA seats.

 

PMLQ had 15.62 percent votes and won two NA seats. PMLQ had a total of 26 provincial assembly seats and MMA had 18 seats in Baluchistan assembly. They formed the provincial government.

 

Now after boycott of elections by APDM, what is latest situation in seat terms? Has APDM helped the PMLQ to win more seats? Let see the facts.

 

in 2008 rigged elections, the PMLQ has come down from 26 to 17; MMA has come down from 18 to seven.

 

While PPPP went up from 2 seats to 7. In addition, ANP was able to win two seats after 1970 general elections. Ten independents have also won. Baluchistan National Party Awami has also won five seats.

 

The percentage of votes for PMLQ and MMA is not available for 2008 elections but it is very clear that it will never match the 37 percent of MMA and PMLQ in 2002 elections.

 

However, the boycott strategy has built a tremendous pressure on the military regime and they were unable to rig the elections, as they wanted to. There were thousands attending APDM election rallies in Baluchistan demanding an immediate end of military dictatorship.

 

The best outcome of APDM strategy was a break to the advances of MMA. It is now split from top to bottom. The percentage of votes has come down. There were already many problems within the parties of MMA. However, turning point of split came when the question of participation or no participation in the election came.

 

Had the APDM with the leadership of nationalist parties would have not decided to keep boycotting the elections, it was doubtful that Jamaat-i-Islami would have boycotted the elections. If MMA had contested the elections jointly, it would have not got the same bad results that it has now. The boycott strategy has helped the MMA split and no united election strategy by the religious fundamentalist forces. These comrades ignore this very positive development in their criticism of LPP strategy.

 

The second positive result is that anti Musharaf vote was not split apart from the two main parties PPPP and PMLN. Already, the PMLQ has won some seats because the PPP and PMLN contested each other and got very high votes but not sufficient to win the seat.  These comrades would not criticize PPP and PMLN contesting each other and paving the way for PMLQ victory.

 

IF PPPP, PMLN, MMA, AJT, and PONAM had contested the elections on anti Musharaf agenda, it would have helped the PMLQ to win even more seats.

 

The boycott strategy has not helped the military dictatorship as these comrades have tried to say but on the contrary has helped to weaken the military grip of the society. That is why this golden prospect to oust Musharaf dictatorship is been posed.

 

The facts speak for them and prove the absolute wrong assessment of these comrades.

 

 

 

 

 

 

gherao!

 

22 Feb 2008

 

From: Roger Silverman

 

 

Years ago, I was doing political work in India during a period of unprecedented social turmoil: the only time I’ve witnessed a fully-fledged pre-revolutionary situation. Every corner I turned, I came across strike picket lines with red banners unfurled. Among many others, one memorable scene stays in mind: a public demonstration of secret police operatives (the equivalent of MI5) marching under red banners, demanding trade union recognition! I have written about this situation elsewhere, so I won’t go on about it here.

 

What brings this to mind is that in the course of their struggles, the Indian workers had improvised one especially ingenious resource which had not so far ever been used outside the Indian sub-continent: the gherao. This was a kind of sit-in in reverse. The workers locked the factory manager in his office and gheraoed (surrounded) him, for days on end, not letting him out for any reason… and I mean, for any reason at all! It proved a very effective technique in concentrating the mind of the boss on the immediate issue, and in those turbulent days won the workers many rapid victories.  

 

Why am I mentioning this now? Because I was delighted to read in yesterday’s paper an article about the wave of strikes that has broken out in France recently in a number of private-sector companies, many of them new to industrial  militancy. And in one of these, the workers have improvised precisely the very same tactic. They have gheraoed their boss in his office for days on end until their demands are met. An added irony is that the boss in question is a British national, of Indian origin. Perhaps for once in this case, the boss is more familiar with his workers’ mode of struggle than they are.

 

I hope that comrade Raymond or another French comrade will tell us more about the wave of revolt that appears already to be destabilising the Sarkozy regime, and in particular gratify my curiosity regarding the outcome of this particular dispute.

 

 

Roger Silverman  

 

 

 

 

 

Gherao!

 

23 February 2008

 

From: farooqtariq

 

 

Dear comrades

Gherao is what we advocate all the time in labour movement in Pakisatan. It is very effective and saving a lot of time.

 

In Faisalabad, the third largest city of Pakistan, LPP has helped to form a textile union. The union has become very popular among workers. The reason is that it has gheriod several times successfully the offices of Labour department and some bosses of private factories.

 

In December 2007, over 10000 workers gerioed the police station and the srounding roads when three workers were kidnapped by the bosses. The police was offering no help. So Gherao started. I addresses a press conference in Lahore giving full political backing and threatened actions in Lahore as well.

 

For four hours, roads blocked, factories and police station gherioed, the high up of police intervened. They threatened the bosses that either release the workers or face police charges and arrests.

 

Within five hours, the three workers leaders were left by unknown people on a road. When they called from a nearby public call office, then workers stopped the gherao.

 

The leadership of Labour Qaumi Movement who led this gherao is member of Labour Party Pakistan.

 

LQM have done this several times.

 

Good to hear the French workers gherao.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A dictator defeated

 

25 February 2008

 

From: farooqtariq

 

Please find enclosed an article by Farooq Sulehria, a prominent radical journalist and a leading member of Labour Party Pakistan

 

 

A dictator defeated

Farooq Sulehria

 

Liaqat Bagh: the lush green garden in Pakistan’s northern town of Rawalpindi was witnessing a very different scene on February 18 as the night set in.  Unlike the bloody Benazir tragedy staged on its gates on December 27, it was a thousands-strong crowd, cheering and chanting. Waving Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) flags, chanting Jeay Bhutto (long live Bhutto) youth would embrace and congratulate even those carrying PML (N) flags. For years, led by former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, PML (N) was Benazir’s PPP main rival. The PPP and PML (N) went to polls even on February 18, as Pakistani electorate used its right to vote for 9th time since 1970, as rivals. They all were happy as pro-Musharraf candidate, Shaikh Rashid, had been defeated in this constituency. This very constituency, NA 55, had become focus of media attention across Pakistan since it was here Benazir was murdered. Also because it was here Musharraf regime’s spokesperson Shaikh Rashid, former Information Minister, was contesting elections. He had been winning, five times in total, from this constituency since 1988. He used to be a leader of PML (N) but he changed sides in 2002 and joined pro-Musharraf PML (Q), commonly mocked as Musharraf League. Being Information Minister, Rashid used to defend regime’s unpopular actions thus becoming most hated face on TV screens after Musharraf’s own (now-a-days-fast-wrinkling) face.

 

Fearing his defeat in NA 55, Rashid was also contesting from NA 56, another constituency in Rawalpindi. I happened to meet Rashid three days before elections. Defeat was written on his face.

 

For the fear of bomb blasts, I travel by taxi instead of public buss. Though taxi is no guarantee yet it helps get a sense of security even if it is false. Every time I would take a taxi before elections, I would question the driver: ‘who gonna win Rawalpindi’. Every time, literally every time, the answer was same: ‘whoever but no chance for this b@*!@^d Rashid’.

 

Long before TV channels had announced, Rawalpindi residents on the evening of February 18, had found out that Rashid had lost in both constituencies. In first-past-the-post system, like Britain, Rashid was not even runners up. It was PML (N) candidates, winning both constituencies while PPP-men were runners up.

 

Rashid was not the only victim of voters’ wrath. Another 22 ministers, including president of pro-Musharraf PML (Q), Shujaat Hussein had lost. Like Rashid, Shujaat also lost from two constituencies. By next morning, it was clear that PML (Q) had lost.

 

An accompanying pleasant surprise was the crushing defeat of fundamentalists. In 2002 elections, fundamentalists had emerged as third largest force bagging 66 National Assembly seats while forming their government in Frontier province (NWFP). They had clean swept NWFP in 2002. This time they were swept aside themselves.  Only three seats in National Assembly.

 

In NWFP, it was secular nationalist Peoples National Party (ANP) that had emerged as largest party while Bhutto’s PPP as second largest. The ANP claims the legacy of Ghaffar Khan, known as Frontier Gandhi. Traditionally,  NWFP has been a stronghold of ANP that used to be proud of anti-imperialism, secularism and Pashtun-nationalism. Until 1980s, pro-Moscow Communist Party of Pakistan (legally banned in Pakistan since 1951) used to work inside ANP’s predecessor (NAP or National Peoples Party). The ANP in 1990s, joined hands with right-wing PML (N) to build a coalition government. The ANP ministers proved no different when it came to corruption and financial scandals. By now, it had also given up any pretext of anti imperialism and had reconciled itself with End-of-History mantra. In the wake of S11, ANP instead of opposing US invasion of Afghanistan, lent it full support. The fundamentalists vehemently opposed it. The NWFP, country’s third largest province, is inhabited by Pashtun (largest ethnic group in Afghanistan). Hence, tribal population in NWFP saw it as an attack on Pashtuns. Fundamentalists cashed on both religious and nationalist sentiments. They portrayed it as a battle between Islam and ‘Christian West’. The ANP, already discredited owing to the corruption of its ministers, by now had also build itself an image of the US pawn. Hence, it was decimated in 2002 elections. It did not win even as a single mandate for National assembly. This time, it has ten mandates in National Assembly, emerging as fifth largest party in National Assembly.

 

The largest in National Assembly, bagging 87 seats out of 272, is Bhutto’s PPP that emerged strongest in Sindh, Bhuttos’ home province. However, it was the only party that showed strong presence in all four provinces.  Not so distant runners up was PML (N), bagging 67 National Assembly seats but emerging as largest party in Punjab, country’s biggest province. In Balochistan, PML (Q) got maximum seats but failed to muster simple majority. Most likely, PPP will be able to build a coalition government here.

 

The left in Pakistan, never a strong force in electoral politics, was further marginalized. Last time, member of a Trotskyist group, entrist in PPP, had a member elected to National Assembly as PPP candidate. He badly lost this time. The constituents of AJT, an alliance of all major left formations including Trotskyist Labour Party, had joined APDM. The APDM, an alliance of 25 parties including extreme right to extreme left, had announced a boycott of elections on the plea that elections would help Musharraf regime survive. Prior to the murder of Benazir, their campaign was picking up but the situation, it seems, radically changed after the tragic assassination. It generated a sympathy wave for PPP that also translated into high turn out despite threats of suicide bombings.

 

At the time of filing this report, negotiations are going between movers and shakers. The US, also shocked at election results, is pushing PPP to build a coalition government with pro-Musharraf forces while helping Musharraf stay in power. The PPP, has not taken a clear stand on impeaching Musharraf while Nawaz Sharif and media are demanding his resignation. Given the mood in Pakistan, any party going with Musharraf will be finding it hard to find a place in future political scenario here in Pakistan. Meantime, rumours are making headlines that Musharraf is resigning.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Restore the top judges:  Musharaf must go

 

25 February 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

 

*        Restore the top judges:  Musharaf must go

*        Women workers to protest on 8 March

*        All out on 9 March, if judges are not restored

*        LPP to help form a new student organization

*        Labour Party Pakistan three days National Committee meeting concluded in Lahore

 

A three days meeting of National Committee of Labour Party Pakistan concluded here in Lahore on 24 February with a very clear message; the struggle to continue to overthrow Musharaf dictatorship. The meeting demanded an immediate resignation of General Musharaf and restoration of the top judges. Chaired by Nazli Javed and Nasir Mansoor, the meeting was attended by all 21 members except one from Gilget.

 

It was decided that the building of the labour movement would be the top priority of LPP for this year particularly. It deiced to coordinate its work with more close relationship with National Trade Union Federation. It vowed to continue building opposition to neo liberal agenda. Comrades were of the opinion that the future Pakistan Peoples Party government will continue with the same economic policies of General Musharaf and it will further lower the living standards of the masses.  

 

The meeting decided to help form a new national progressive student organization. It decided to call a national consultation meeting of all the students associated with Labour Party Pakistan. The meeting will discuss a political platform for a new radical student organization and see the possibilities to set up the organization within next two months. LPP has already issued an appeal to all its members and supports to discuss this issue and bring forward suggestions in this regard.

 

The NC meeting also decided to call a national consultation meeting of all women comrades of LPP to see the possibilities to expand the work among the working women. Women Workers Help Line, a sympathizing women organization, announced to organize a women demonstration on 8 March in Lahore against the military dictatorship. LPP decided to support this demo in Lahore. In Karachi, Labour Education Foundation and National Trade Union Federation will organize another rally on 8 March in connection with the international women day. Over 5000 working class women are expected to participate in these two rallies.

 

The NC meeting decided to give maximum support to the advocate movement call for Gherao of Islamabad on 9 March. It will be an all out call. LPP decided to mobilize all its units on the day and to reach Islamabad in any case. This is to demand an immediate restoration of the top judges of Pakistan.

 

The meeting congratulated the people of Pakistan to show an utmost detestation towards the supporters of Musharaf dictatorship by boycotting or participating in the elections. The Musharaf supporters have lost despite all their resources and power.   

 

LPP NC discussed in detail the participation of party in All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM). It decided to continue with APDM and discuss the question again after sometime. It decided to help build the Awami Jamhoori Tehreek, the left alliance, as an alternative to the parties of the rich and feudal. 

 

The meeting discussed the production of Weekly Mazdoor Jeddojuhd and congratulated the first women editor Talat Rubab, a member of LPP NC for producing a regular quality worker paper. It congratulated Farooq Sulehria and his friends in Sweden and Norway to produce a 148 pages Faiz Number. The Faiz Ahmad Faiz special edition has been appreciated by many including Mehmood Achakzai, the convener of APDM. (Read Faiz Ahmad Faiz edition on line, www.jeddojuhd.com)

 

The first two days of NC meeting was a workshop for team building and for leadership qualities. Maqbool Babri, one of the top corporate consultant in Pakistan agreed to conduct this workshop as his contribution to the building of LPP as an effective political force in Pakistan. It was the NC first meeting and it was the first ever-such workshop. The two days workshop was a very effective in building a more coherent leadership with more cooperation and coordination of the work among the National Committee. The workshop left a great impact on all the comrades and it was agreed that this would help the comrades to build the LPP on more effective manner.

 

 

 

 

Advocate movement: a year on

 

7 March 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

2008 will be a year of decisive struggle in Pakistan. Over the past year a lawyers’ movement rose to confront the Musharraf dictatorship. Its aim is to create an atmosphere where the judiciary can work independently, without being under the influence of any regime, whether military or civil. Only a year old, it has achieved impressive results.

 

The movement began on 9 March 2007 when Iftikhar Choudry, Chief Justice of Supreme Court, negatively responded to the request from five generals–including General Pervez Musharraf–that he voluntarily resign. Offered several other lucrative posts, he responded with a firm “No,” resulting his immediate arrest and termination from the Supreme Court.

 

Why did the generals want to get rid of Pakistan’s chief justice? Simply, his decisions were blocking growing repression and implementation of General Musharraf’s neoliberal agenda:

 

·        After 9/11, thousands of Pakistanis just disappeared; Choudry publicly questioned their disappearance. He tried to force accountability from the country’s powerful secret service.

·         He issued a decision against the privatization of the country’s largest industrial unit, the Pakistan Steel Mill Karachi.

·        Iftikhar Choudry was operating like a human right activist, doing his best to address the question of growing human rights violations. He took special notice of anti-women traditions and customs and prohibited the selling and trading of women.

 

General Musharraf did not foresee the mass reaction this arrest and termination would cause since there were no other examples of prominent people standing up to his brutal and high-handed actions.

 

Chief Justice Choudry’s “No” was a hallmark in the history of judiciary. Never before had people been willing to risk opposing the status quo. Every previous military coup had been legitimized by the country’s top judges. Out of the 61 years of so-called independence, Pakistan has spent 32 years under military rule.

 

As the private television channels broadcast the news of Choudry’s dismissal and arrest, they asked leading lawyers for their opinion. Every single one explained it as an extraordinary action: there was no previous record of such an action against the chief justice. They called on other lawyers to come forward in a mass response.

 

Year One of the Pakistan lawyers’ movement is unprecedented, and there have been several ups and downs. It has witnessed ugly scenes of police and army brutality, but the lawyers never gave up. One of the main characteristics of this marvelous movement is its clear demand, which was accepted by every one: the demand for an independent judiciary. The Musharraf dictatorship is clearly seen as a brutal regime trying to curb the rising consciousness of independent judicial system. 

 

The movement lead by the lawyers can be divided in three phases:

·        The beginning phase, ending on 20 July 2007, when an 11-member bench of Supreme Court Pakistan reinstated Iftikhar Choudry.

·        The second phase, from 20 July till 3 November, when the Musharraf dictatorship imposed an emergency degree.

·        The third phase, from the imposition of the emergency until the general elections on 18 February 2008.

 

During the first phase, leaders of the lawyers’ movement did not directly attack the Musharraf. They also asked Choudry not to speak the media. Instead they build an effective base by speaking to Bar Associations across the country. This meant that they did not immediately seem to be doing anything out of the ordinary.

 

Iftikhar Choudry toured around the country by road to speak to various bar councils. His caravan was welcomed by hundred of thousands of ordinary people. But he did not speak a single word to the press. He concentrated on making general democratic remarks at the bar council meetings, which were open only to lawyers. Political activists made no fuss about this exclusion but cooperated with the lawyers.

 

These rallies were the largest mobilizations during the years of the Musharraf dictatorship and signaled the lawyers’ total support for Choudry. This method of proceeding meant that he was speaking “under the radar.” It did not seem that he was organizing a “political” campaign against the regime. In this manner Choudry was able to speak about the political situation without being “political.” 

 

Initially the leaders of the lawyers’ movement were divided over whether they wanted the participation from political parties. Some argued that parties might create problems or take over the movement. Some feared that if they invited the political parties, then the religious fundamentalist parties would gain control and they did not want to see that happen. During the first month there was a fierce debate among the lawyers’ elected bodies over these questions. After coming to the conclusion that they could not win the struggle on their own, they invited all the civil society organizations to participate.

 

When Choudry’s case was scheduled to be heard by the Supreme Court, the lawyers called for a “gherao” at the Court. “Gherao” is a picket line, a practice used by the industrial working class all over the world. This very popular tactic of picketing was used effectively by the lawyers’ movement and made headlines in all the main electronic and print media. The media popularized the movement to an extent that the Musharraf dictatorship responded by introducing new electronic laws to curb the growing radicalization of the media.

 

In its first phase the lawyers’ movement was able to mobilize and unify the 80,000-strong lawyers’ community. The Bar Associations across the country have deeply democratic traditions, including yearly elections. Those who have been elected don’t run the following year so that there is a constant development of new leadership. These democratic traditions enable the lawyers to develop an evolving leadership that is always alive and deserving of respect. Normally, once a decision is taken, all lawyers follow. Those within the lawyers’ community who were not supportive of restoring Choudry to his office were socially isolated and, in many cases, their licenses to practice were suspended by the Pakistan Bar Council.

 

In this first phase the state tried to suppress the movement by arresting the lawyers, dispersing the demonstrations and rallies by force. But this did not succeed. Every repressive act motivated more militant actions. The lawyers’ black coats became respectable dress and many ordinary Pakistanis bought black coats from second-hand shops just to get maximum respect from everyone.

 

The lawyers organized weekly demonstrations, usually every Thursday. It was mainly the young lawyers who found new hope in the shape of this movement and its weekly actions. Young and particularly female lawyers showed absolute bravery as they fought pitched battles with the police. It was their first political action and they brought new energy to the movement.

 

The main political parties that fully supported the movement and participated in the weekly the actions were the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN), Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf (PTI), Labour Party Pakistan (LPP), Khaksaar Tehreek, National Workers Party (NWP) and Awami Tehreek. Activists of these parties were arrested several times for the crime of participating in the rallies.

 

Most of the radical non-government organizations and movements also fully supported this movement. Their support gave new meaning to civil society organization. The concept, civil society organization, became well known because of their total support to the movement. In fact every one participating in this unique movement earned respect from all sections of society.

 

The First Victory

 

The full bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which was hearing Choudry’s case, decided to reinstate the Chief Justice on 20 July 2007. This was a historic victory of a mass movement and was not viewed as “political.”

 

Iftikhar Choudry immediately took office, became Chief Justice after a nearly four-month interval. Following his reinstatement, he began releasing political prisoners. He ordered the immediate recovery of missing persons; and some were eventually released by intelligence agencies. He stopped the construction of high-rise buildings that violated the building code. He also took notice of corrupt state actors. Iftikhar Choudry now had the full support of the other top judges, as well as those who already had become “people friendly” judges, the lawyers’ community and the people of Pakistan.

 

Meanwhile the regime was angrily waiting for a time to take action against the top judges once again. The Musharraf dictatorship, already unpopular, was weakened by this reinstatement. The power of the judiciary was contesting the power of the military generals and bureaucrats. In that sense there were some elements of dual power at work within the country.

 

Unfortunately, when the case of the presidential candidacy of General Musharraf came before the Supreme Court, it hesitated in issuing a decision. The Supreme Court had provisionally allowed him to contest the election, but his candidacy was challenged because the Constitution does not allow the same person to be president and chief of the army at the same time. Additionally, he was elected by a pro-Musharraf parliament that had been seated since 2002 and was overdue for re-election. In fact Musharraf was “elected” with a shameful support of PPP, which opted not to oppose the candidacy of General Musharraf and abstained from the vote.

 

In fact Benazir Bhutto, living in exile, was in contact with Musharraf to work out a power-sharing deal. But the two sides were afraid of the rising power of a movement that could challenge their own political hegemony. Benazir, leader of the PPP, saw an opportunity to come to power once again. Both the American and British governments had lost confidence in General Musharraf’s ability to fight effectively as their partner in the so-called “war on terror,” and pushed this unholy alliance as the means through which Musharraf would be able to continue to rule. For his part, Musharraf needed to regain time since his attempt to unseat Choudry had failed. So he went, although reluctantly, to the negotiating table with Bhutto. 

 

The Pakistan People Party also had considerable influence among the lawyers’ movement. While the main leadership of the lawyers’ movement was now calling for Musharraf’s resignation, the PPP directed its leaders not to raise this demand. This created confusion and division among the lawyers’ community all over Pakistan. The majority wanted to push ahead and end the military dictatorship, but now there was division in their own ranks. 

 

It took two months of fierce debate and discussion among the lawyers’ elected bodies to work out their future course of action. Finally, an absolute majority came out in favor of continuing the movement. It decided to continue its weekly rallies, although, without the presence of the PPP activists did not have the same power as it had earlier.  

 

Meanwhile, after striking a deal with Musharraf, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan from eight years of exile. The state withdrew all the charges of corruption against her in the name of “national reconciliation.” The day of her arrival, 18 October, religious fundamentalists carried out a suicide attack on the caravan welcoming Benazir Bhutto back. This intervention killed over 150 people.

 

Musharraf Strikes First

 

Musharraf could not be sure what would be the Supreme Court’s final decision about his eligibility as president and opted to strike first. On 3 November, he suspended the Constitution once again and arrested all the top judges. He introduced a new Provisional Constitutional Order and demanded all of the top judges to take a new oath under the PCO. To his surprise, over 60 top judges refused. In the fight against the military dictatorship, Iftikhar Choudry was now joined by two-thirds of his colleagues. All were placed under house arrest but it was difficult for the regime to find judges who would take the PCO oath.

 

The PCO was the second martial law decree issued by General Musharraf in the name of emergency. There was a new wave of terror with over 25,000 lawyers and political activists were arrested and private television channels were closed down.

 

After a month the arrested advocates were released, and so were most of the political activists. But the Constitution was hobbled with repressive amendments giving power to the military to try any civilian in military courts. The independent judiciary had been eliminated, the movement suppressed. Having done his homework, General Musharraf then announced a general election for 8 January 2008.

 

In this repressive situation the lawyers’ movement appealed to all the political parties to boycott the general elections. They argued that by participating they would be legitimizing General Musharraf’s dictatorial measures. With the vast majority of the lawyers in favor of boycotting, the political scene was divided into two distinctive trends, those advocating the boycott and those participating in the elections. Unfortunately the two main parties opted to contest the elections.

 

With both the pro-election campaign and the boycott movement gaining steam, Benazir Bhutto’s assassination on 27 December altered the political scenario. A mass reaction against the assassination brought a wave of sympathy for PPP, which had been campaigning. General Musharraf was isolated to an extent never seen before. Added to that factor was the country’s economic collapse. These factors caused a decisive change in the consciousness of the Pakistan working class. Their passive negativism toward the regime turned into active opposition.

 

Had PPP leadership opted to boycott the general elections–now postponed until 18 February 2008–and demanded the resignation of General Musharraf, the scenario would have been different. Musharraf would have no choice. But the PPP once again ignored the advice of the lawyers’ movement and decided to take part in the general elections.

 

Those who went to poll on 18 February voted against the pro-Musharraf political parties. But whichever side one was on over the question of participating in the elections, and whichever tactics employed, everyone was united in their opposition to Musharraf.

 

We have now entered the next phase of the unfolding struggle. The question remains: Will those coming to power reinstate the judiciary, a popular demand that would be very difficult to ignore, force Musharraf out, and restore the Constitution? Such a step would be the first toward building an independent democratic society where exploitation should be a word of past. The building of a genuine democratic Socialist Pakistan is the only way forward.

 

ENDS

Note: This is article is being published by Women Workers Help Line in a booklet, ”women and advocate movement” on the eve of 8 March 2008.

 

 

 

 

Women Workers take the roads

Musharaf must go,

Where are the Missing persons?

Over 5000 attends Women Workers Help Line

and Labour Education Foundation 8 March Rallies

 

9th March

 

Farooq tariq

 

 

The 8 March rallies at Murdan, Lahore and Karachi by Women Workers Help Line and Labour Education Foundation attracted over 5000. This was the largest mobilization of women across Pakistan by any other group on 8 March 2008. 

 

The Women Workers Help Line rally in Lahore took up the issue of missing persons and score of relatives of missing persons told their unbelievable stories of state repression and disappearances on their loved ones. The rally started from Abbot Road and reached at Shimla Pehari Lahore with deafening slogans of Go Musharaf Go, No to military dictatorship, where are the mission persons? We want democracy, Revolution is the answer of every problem, Restore the top judges.

 

Earlier, over 2500 attended a seminar by WWHL at Mehfil Theater, which was over packed to capacity and many, has to out side the theater hall. They heard the representatives of advocate movement, missing persons, Labour Party Pakistan and WWHL.

 

Special awards were given to outstanding women in struggle included Nazli Javed, Riffat Maqsood, Rabia Bajwa, Fardous Butt, Azra Shad and Jamila Begum. Rabia Bajwa and Fardous Butt are the main leaders of the advocate movement. Nazli Javed is secretary women of Labour Party Pakistan. Jamila Begum, Riffat Maqsood and Azra Shad are the main leaders of WWHL.

 

The Labour Education Foundation (LEF) Karachi rally started from Regal Chouck and ended at Karachi Press Club. Over 2400 participated in the historic rally. It raised slogans against the military dictatorship, restoration of judiciary, discrimination laws against women and minorities and for democratic set up. The two-hour rally was full of banners, posters and many were singing Faiz and other revolutionary poets songs. It was the largest mobilization of working women in the largest city of Pakistan. Organized with the support of Sangi, the rally ended with a great enthusiasm.

 

Later a cultural evening with the cooperation of Action Aid Pakistan was attended by many hundreds and many had to go back home, because the capacity of the hall was not matching the size of the participants.

 

At Murdan over 60 women participated in the seminar organized by Women Workers Help Line NWFP at Labour Party Pakistan office in the city. The speakers included Dr. Fahmida  Zafar, Fouzia Israr, Naveeda, Farooq Ahmad, Rehana and Saeeda. They spoke against the primitive customs of selling and buying of women and against all sort of violence on women. They spoke about building a women movement in the province with progressive ideas. “the economic, political and social equal rights for women is the only way forwards for the progress of women” they told the seminar participants. 

 

The Labour Party Pakistan supports the two organisation.

 

The three events made headlines across all the main steam electronic and print media in Pakistan.

 

 

 

 

Victory at a cycle factory in Lahore

 

11th March

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Rustam Sahrab Cycle and Motor Cycle Factory Lahore is one of the oldest cycle factory in Pakistan. At present it, employees around 2000 permanent workers. Every three years there is a referendum at the factory among workers to determine the Collective bargaining Agent (CBA).

 

There are three trade unions registered at the factory. Muslim League Q, the former ruling party, supports one of them. It was the CBA during the last term. Another union is supported by religious fundamentalist Jamaat-I_Islami.

 

The administration of the factory tried to delay the scheduled referendum and went to the Labour Court. The three unions united to call for a referendum. The three were sure they would win the elections.

 

Labour Party Pakistan supported union was defeated in the referendum held in 2004 and it got nearly 500 votes at the time. The union is affiliated with National Trade Union Federation Pakistan. Moeen Nawaz Punno is president of the trade union. He is a member National Committee LPP and chairperson LPP in Lahore.

 

Today on 11 March 2008, the referendum was held in a peaceful and democratic manner at the factory. The workers had to determine which one of the three unions would represent them during the next three years.

 

LPP supported union won the elections with a sizeable majority. It got 689 votes, the PMLQ union got 570 and JI supported union got 500. 1759 workers caste their votes out of 2000, a high turn over, show the real enthusiasm among the workers.

 

After the results, the workers raised slogans against military dictatorship. “Long Live Labour Party Pakistan. Long live National Trade Union Federation, Long live worker unity, Workers of the world unite, Ones pain is every ones pain, workers united will never be defeated” were the main slogan raised after the announcement of the elections. 

 

Hundreds of workers took the streets around the factory area in jubilations and chanted slogans. Sweets were distributed and the leaders were garlanded. I spoke to the workers in the end of the victory procession and told that it was here that LPP organized its first public rally last year in support of the advocate movements with hundreds in attendance. “You have won and the victory of the top judges is not far away,” I told the crowd. I said that Musharaf has to go and the victory of this revolutionary trade union is a step towards that.

 

Moeen Nawaz Punno told the workers that we will try our best to implement on all the promises we have made to the workers and workers struggle will be our method of fighting back to the bosses attack. He said the workers united would never be defeated. Now I am not a president of just those workers who have voted me but of all those 2000 plus the temporary workers at the factory. My comrades and I will work for all those workers without any discrimination.

 

All the main leadership elected today at the cycle factory is members of Labour Party Pakistan. Labour Education Foundation has run adult literacy centers in the factory for long time. The Trade Union Resource Center Lahore of Labour Education Foundation helped the union in printing and developing other material for the election.

 

The victory of LPP supported union has opened a welcome gate to other workers of the factories in the area. I heard that several others unions will be joining National trade Union federation and several workers leaders to become part of LPP.

 

 

 

 

Workers take over Sugar Mill in Sind

 

12 March 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Over 1600 workers from Alnoor Sugar Mill Moro, Sind took over the factory today on 12 March 2008. They occupied all the administration departments of the Mill and asked the General Manager (GM) of the Mill to sit on the floor. The GM was a retired army brigadier. The GM was then forced to tour around the factory under workers control.

 

The occupation ended at 5pm when the local Member of Parliament from Pakistan Peoples Party assured the workers that their demands would be met within next 48 hours.

 

Their union called Mahnatkash Labour Union Alnoor Sugar Mill led the workers. The union was recently registered after an interval of 8 years of non-unionization of the factory. There was a terror of this GM at the factory. Most of the concessions of the workers were taken back under the military rule of general Musharaf. The demand notice of the union was ignored.

 

The workers were demanding the reinstatement of their 28 workers back to their jobs and their demand notice to be met by the administration. They were demanding better wages, more house rent, at least government recommended minimum wages and a bonus to all the workers.

 

At present, the factory was running in full capacity and the mill owner was unable to afford that the Mill should be stopped for a single minute. It was a workers day at the factory.

 

It all started at 11am when the union leaders went to meet the GM at his office. The union asked him to accept the demands. He categorically refused to accept any demand. He had miss judged the mood of the workers leaders. The union leadership immediately took over the office and asked him to leave his office and come with them to the union office. He was forced to accept the workers orders. At the union office, the retired army brigadier, who has ruled the factory under his terror, was asked not to sit on a chair but on the floor. His face was colored and then some workers torn apart his cloths as well.

 

He was then asked to round the factory where workers humiliated him as he did with the workers for eight years. With a colored face, the GM was begging the workers to spare him and that he will accept all the demands. It was a “Gherao”  and occupation at the same time.

 

In the mean time, all the gates of the factory were closed and the local police could not enter the Mill to rescue the GM. It became news for some private television channel and they broadcasted the news about Mill occupation.

 

The local MP from PPP arrived at 4pm and asked the workers to let the GM go and that he will guarantee that all the demands will be met. He told the workers, that there will no victimization and no police case registered if they listen to him. On his guarantee, the workers handed over the factory to the administration and let the GM go free.

 

This is the first incident of such kind. There is no civil government yet but the workers have come forward to have a go on those who had exploited them all the eight years under military rule.

 

Labour Party Pakistan has a strong group at Moro. Eight years ago, the factory was under the control of Labour Party Pakistan local leadership. They were thrown out of the factory and there was none of LPP activists inside. However, the new union was working under the close relationship of Local LPP leadership. Today after the occupation, the LPP leadership in Sind gave a fill support to the union action.

 

It seemed that the mill administration will register a case against the workers leaders and there will be more trouble tomorrow.

  

 

 

 

Karl Marx Day in Pakistan

 

17 March 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Labour Party Pakistan organized seminars, study circles and meeting on the eve of Karl Marx 125 death anniversary in several cities. The meetings were held on 14, 15 and 16 March at Murdan, Hyderabad, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Karachi.

 

At Karachi, a daylong seminar by LPP discussed in detail the life and work of Karl Marx and its relevance in Pakistan. In Lahore, comrades participating in the study circle on 15 March discussed various aspects of Karl Marx life. It agreed to build parties and organization based on the ideas of Karl Marx. It discussed the question of religion and Marxism and the question how we should work in a society dominated by religious fundamentalist.  It agreed that the religion must not be the basis for our arguments to clarity the ideas of Socialism. It is a class question rather than a religious question, the participant agreed.

 

At Murdan, Hyderabad and Rawalpindi meetings and seminars were held. Various leftist scholars read their paper on the occasion. It highlighted the ideas of Socialism and discussed why it is absolute necessary to differentiate the politics of the parties of the rich and parties of the working class.

 

Over 200 comrades and supporters of LPP participated in these activities  in five cities.

 

 

 

40 organizations to support Fiaz Amn Mela

 

19 March 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Over 40 civil society organizations have joined and are supporting Faiz Amn Mela (Faiz peace Festivity). They include political parties, professional organizations, radical social organizations, and trade unions. Faiz Amn Mela will take place on Saturday 22 March from 6pm at Open Air Theater Bag Jinnah Lahore, Pakistan.

 

Faiz Ahmad Fiaz, a revolutionary poet has inspired millions in the Indian sub continent by his revolutionary poems and writings. He is the symbol of  resistance and his poetry is been revisited t\during the recent advocate movement in Pakistan. Weekly Mazdoor Jeddojuhd (www.jeddojuhd.com) has printed a 148 pages special edition on Faiz last month. 

 

The Faiz Amn Mela Committee met today in Lahore to finalize the details of the Amn Mela. It was reported that the posters have been fly posted in central Lahore already. The invitation card is been distributed. Several known poets and singers have agreed to participate on volunteer basis. It reported that 40 organizations have agreed to be part of the network supporting the event.

 

Khalid Mehmood, Razi hyder, Syeda deep, Rashid Misbah and rana Abdul Rehman, the Faiz committee leaders  demanded at a press conference to name Sialkot Airport on the name of Faiz Ahmad Faiz. It also demanded that Faiz writings should be part of the Pakistan education syllabus at all level.

 

They include Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf (PTI), Labour Party Pakistan, National Workers Party, Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party and Awami Jamhoori Forum. The other organizations supporting the event are Supreme Court Bar Association, Lahore district Bar Association, Pakistan Medical Association, South Asia Partnership, Labour Education Foundation, Women Workers Help Line, National trade Unions Federation, Aurat Foundation, Shirkat Ghah, Interactive resource Center, Ajoka Theater, Anjamen Taraqi Pasand Musanfeen, Students Action Committee, Joint Action Committee For Peoples Rights, Radio FM 103, and Kawash television network (KTN).

 

Please publise the message as wide as possible.

 

For more information, please contact: lef@lef.org.pk

 

 

 

Faiz Amn Mela pulls crowd

 

25 March 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

“Faiz Amn Mela pulls crowd” that is how the Daily Dawn Lahore reported on 23 March 2008. No doubt, this was one of the largest gatherings of the Left, progressive forces and youth in years. Over 3000 packed the Open Air Theater Lahore. Nationally known potes and artists presented the revolutionary poetry reciting and the famous Faiz songs.

 

The Lahore saw once again some glimpse of the revolutionary traditions of organizing Melas. The Mela was divided in two parts. In initial part, a Moshaira (poetry reciting) event was organized with Aslam Gurdaspuri on the chair. Over 20 poets paid tribute to Faiz by reciting their progressive and revolutionary poetry. The very responsive audience heard Saadulah Shah, Dr. Khalid Javed Jan, Qaim Naqvi, Shafiq Ahmad Shafiq, Arif Prohna, Azmat Malik, Rizi Haider, Abid Hussain Abid and several others for two hours.  It brought home the memories of the Mashairas of the seventies.

 

Later Shahida Mini, Hamid Ali Khan, Surraya Khanum and several more presented faiz Ahmad Faiz revolutionary poetry and thrilled the audience. “Lazim Hain Keh Hum Bhee Dekhian Ghai” was sung by Shahida Mini and Surray Khanum was the height of the event.

 

There were no speeches but I was asked to speak on Faiz message and relevance today. I spoke about Socialism and the fight for a just society. I raised the question of US imperialism, religious fundamentalism and militarization of the society and why we must get rid of it.

 

Faiz Ahmad Fiaz daughter Moneezey Hashmi was among the audience for hours.  Most of the Left activists were there and enjoyed the evening. “ I feel at ease today after months of sloganeering at the advocate movement, I am relaxed and we need such events to get together and net working of the Left forces” was the remarks of Rabia Bajwa, one of the best known activists of the advocate movement.

 

There were several dozens of advocates and many hundreds youth from different universities and colleges. The organizers had made sure that posters must be fly posted at the main universities of Lahore including University of Punjab.

 

Over 40 civil society organizations got together to organize this Mela that was once a yearly tradition in Lahore. It was four years that there was no such event to remember the great revolutionary poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz. Labour Education Foundation took an initiative to call the first meeting for this Mela. Their office became the center of the meetings.

 

The Mela left a tremendous positive impact on all those who attended this five hours event. It has brought back the left on the scene. It has generated many of those who were once the Left but were disheartened by the series of disillusionments. It was announced the Faiz Amn Mela will be organized every year from now on.

 

 

 

 

Facing charges of terrorism

 

25 March 2008

 

From: farooq tariq

 

Today on 25 March, by the time, Yousaf Raza Gilani was taking oath as prime minister of Pakistan from General Musharaf; I was appearing in an Anti Terrorist Court in Lahore alongside with 11 more comrades. Our trial began on 7 March 2008 and during the last 15 days; we have appeared in the court five times.

 

Our advocate was brilliant today. She is Rabia Bajwa, one of the main activists of advocate movement. While cross-examining the police witnesses against us, she confronted several times about the lies of the police officers. She exposed them in very clear terms.

 

For example, she asked from one police officer that what time he wrote the first police report, he replied, at 11am. While another police officer had told the court earlier, that he has arrested us at 11am. She asked another police officer if he knows the names of all those arrested on 27 September, his reply was in negative. While another told that, he knows only two of us.

 

She asked if the advocate demonstration was going at the same time, they said yes, then she asked why they had not arrested the advocates and why Labour Party activists were arrested, they had no answer. She asked one of them if we were raising slogans at the time of demonstration; he said yes, we were raising slogans before police stopped us. He had earlier stated in his recorded statement that we started raising slogans only after police stopped us.

 

12 of us were arrested on 27 September 2007 after our participation in an advocate demonstration. Police booked us under terrorist charges. The maximum sentence is death. They lied that we have attacked the police and injured some of them while tearing apart their police uniforms. That we were armed with sticks.

 

Asma Jahanghir and Rabia Bajwa along 10 more advocates appeared on our behalf in the Anti Terrorist Court after our arrest and got us released on bail after few days. Anti Terrorist Court has now begun the hearing of the case. I am sure that we will be cleared of charges in the next hearing on 27 March.

 

However, the point is that only political activists have to appear in the courts for the crimes of being part of the advocate movement. The new government has to take up this important issue and we have demanded that all these cases registered during the advocate movement should be withdrawn unconditionally. The police officers who have acted illegally should face charges and not us.

 

Although I personally know Yousaf Raza Gilani, the new prime minister of Pakistan very well. We both have studied in the same university at the same time in the seventies.  He was a student of Journalism and I studied Applied Psychology. We lived in the same student hostel and I was elected as Hall secretary of Hostel 19 of University of Punjab Lahore. However, I will not ask any personal favor of withdrawing a case against me and other friends. Our demand is to withdraw all political cases against the activists during the last one year.

 

 

 

What about General Musharaf?

 

27 March 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

No one in the newly elected parliament is talking directly about General Pervez Musharaf. After Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani of the Pakistan Peoples Party took the oath of office, administered by Musharaf on 25 March he spoke about “the need for cooperation of the president.” But General Musharaf has no right to be president of Pakistan. He is a dictator and must go.

 

Yousaf Raza Gilani ordered the release of the judges in his first speech. How could he not? The PPP failed to win a number of seats because they did not demand their reinstatement. The reality is that no one can stop their reinstatement. Thanks to the strengthening of the Pakistan lawyers’ movement not even General Musharaf imposition of the emergency decree on 3 November 20007 stopped the demand.

 

Yet in his first speech, Prime Minister Gilani did not say a single word about General Musharaf. He did please the Bhutto family by demanding a probe of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s judicial murder. In 1979, Bhutto was hanged by the orders of the Lahore High Court, with the decision subsequently upheld by the Supreme Court Yet in his speech Mr. Gilani only demanded that parliament apologize to the nation. Why parliament? Why not the generals and the judges who conspired to hang Bhutto?

 

There have been two occasions since Bhutto’s murder that the Pakistan Peoples Party has come to power. During those periods Mr. Gilani served as a minister under Benazir Bhutto and as a speaker in parliament. Why didn’t he raise the issue then?

 

Back then there was a deal with the military generals: No truth commission, no investigation, no arrests, no public hearings and no public trial. But now Prime Minister Gilani is raising the issue as if to reconfirm his credentials as a supporter of the Bhutto family. Yet what about Benazir Bhutto’s recent murder? Who is the single person most responsible for failing to provide proper security measures? General Musharaf. Nevertheless not a single word is uttered. How unfortunate that the new PPP leader is not ready to demand Musharaf resignation.

 

Another unfortunate fact is the PPP leadership’s seeking collaboration from General Musharaf’s allies, the MQM. Why this alliance? The PPP leadership wants to establish a government of reconciliation, which will be a government of the rich by the rich and for the rich, but in the name of the poor.

 

The PPP has no program that could solve any of the basic problems ordinary people have. The party’s head, Asif Ali Zardari, was sure to reiterate in his recent interview with an American news channel that he wants to move ahead with privatization.

 

Also eager to demonstrate the PPP’s willingness to continue neoliberal policies, the leadership welcomed the visit of U.S. Deputy Secretary of State John D. Negroponte and Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher to Pakistan. They want to show that they are good partners with U.S. imperialism in the so-called “war on terror.” They are saying, “The plan will work. We are going as we planned, but unfortunately not with Benazir.”

 

General Musharaf wanted to rig the election, but was unable to do so. For ourselves, we are happy that the Musharaf political forces are in retreat. But we cannot welcome a government that walks hand in hand with the U.S. imperialism. We can celebrate the release of the judges, although this is more the result of the lawyers’ movement than the PPP’s leadership.

 

The present change of faces has come about because of the incredible sacrifices of the lawyers and many more political and social activists. These activists did not put their careers first but carried out their campaign for an independent judiciary. They boycotted the election for a principled reason. Red salute to those who boycotted this election and exerted maximum pressure on the regime. Red salute to PPP leader Aitzaz Ahsan, who boycotted despite his party’s strategy.

 

Shall we congratulate those who are making compromises with the murderers? The German Social Democrats and the so-called communists did this in the early 1930s with the result that fascism came to power without a single shot being fired. Will the Pakistan Peoples Party alliance with MQM be paid with such a heavy price? Today even Mian Shahbaz Sharif of the Muslim League raises no objection to this unholy alliance. The Muslim League Nawaz is too busy preparing to assuming power in the state of Punjab.

 

Those who allow Musharaf to remain in the presidency are not respecting the wishes of the Pakistani people. He is a dictator who has used every dirty tactic to maintain his power. He is not a democratically elected president. The majority feel the so-called president has got to go.

 

Yet Amin Fahim, senior vice chair of the PPP, was angry about the anti-Musharaf slogans being shouted from the press gallery on parliament’s opening day. He even called for the newly elected speaker Fahmida Mirza to take action. But the “Go Musharaf Go” slogans represent the voices of millions throughout Pakistan. We salute those who raised these slogans inside parliament.

 

I personally was not arrested repeatedly to see half of a democracy. “Democracy” under Musharaf was a farce, it was a fraud in past and it will be a fraud, if he is allowed to hold on to the presidency, in the future as well. We must continue our struggle for a real democracy and get rid of all the remnants of the military dictatorship.

 

 

 

 

Found Not Guilty

 

1 April 2008

 

By: Farooq Tariq

 

An Anti Terrorist Court in Lahore acquitted all 11 of us on the charges of terrorism. There were 10 Brik Kiln workers from Pakistan Bhatta Mazdoor Union, one from Muslim League Nawaz and myself who were charged on 27 September under false allegations of attacking a police convey.

 

It was alleged that a procession under my leadership came from McLeod Road to join the demonstration of advocates on 27 September 2007. When the police told them that under section 144, no more than five people can get together and stopped, they got heated and attacked the police. The demonstrators from Labour Party Pakistan and they injured some police officers and torn their uniforms.

 

That was a total lie; the fact was that over 200 activists from Labour Party Pakistan joined hand with advocate on day in a demonstration. After the demonstration, I was arrested on my way back to my home. I had earlier gone into hiding for few days. The police had come to my home to arrest me but I avoided the arrest. The police wanted to arrest me and other LPP activists to stop our participation in the demonstrations. Police also arrested 11 brick kiln workers union members and leaders who are members of Labour Party Pakistan as well. They were also returning to their office when they were apprehended. The Musalim League Nawaz leader was arrested from a different area.

 

We only came to know during the evening that we have been charged with 7 ATA. The maximum sentence is death. Police fabricated a story about us. We were sent to Lahore Camp jail after day at a police lock up.

 

We were released in few days on bail and some of the best advocates of Pakistan represented us voluntarily including Asma Jehanghir, the chairperson of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.

 

While I was in Amsterdam airport on 6 March 2008, I got a call from Pakistan that I must go to the Anti Terrorist Court on 7 March. Police had come to LPP office with a warrant to arrest me, because I was unable to attend one hearing at the court. I went to the court straight from the Lahore airport.

 

From 7 March till 28 March 2008, we were in the court for 6 times. The brick kiln workers had to come from far off places, they were not from Lahore. Three of them had to travel overnight. But we all made to the court in time, right at 8am.

 

The police brought four eyewitnesses during the proceeding, all from the police department. All of them took oath on Quran that they will speak the truth and all of them lied in the court. We were all surprised that how easy for the police officers to tell lie even after they take an oath. While I asked the two of them after the hearing of the case, why are you telling lies in the court that we have attacked you, they told directly, we know that we are lying but we had to do the job.

 

On the last day of the hearing, the station house officer of police (SHO) appeared in the court. Our advocate Rabia Bajwa exposed his lies quite clearly. During the three hours hearing on the last day, Rabia told the court that it is political case, that Farooq have thirty years of history of political activism and has never been charged of terrorism. All of them have participated in the demonstration of the advocates. They are all proud of it. However, they were arrested at the time of going back and not that they confronted the police using violence. She presented several new papers cutting to prove her arguments.

 

The judge Muqarab Khan was known as a loyalist to the regime, so our advocate was quite worries. I was sure that we will be acquitted. I told our advocate on the day while we were waiting for the final decision of the court “It will be good if he announce any punishment for us. At least in this political atmosphere this will not be accepted by any political party and it will help to develop the movement”.  But the judge denied us of this opportunity and declared that all of us are found not guilty and can go home.

 

I am still waiting other few cases to come up in the courts, if the new government does not withdraw them. The new government of PPP has declared that it will review all the cases registered against the political activists and advocates.

 

 

By Farooq Tariq

Labour Party Pakistan

Masses have spoken once again. They do not like the military dictatorship. They want Musharaf out. They have acted in their own manner to express their hope to oust Musharaf. Massive anti Musharaf vote on 18 February 2008 across Pakistan speak for itself.

Anyone seems to be supporting the military dictatorship has been punished. The pro Musharaf Muslim League Q (PMLQ) lost badly despite the entire pre poll rigging. The religious fundamentalist parties taking part in the elections were the worst hit. It was an electoral revolution against the military dictatorship. Thanks to the advocates movement that has spearhead the struggle against Musharaf in a different arena.

Contrary to the analysis of many, the boycott campaign by All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) helped anti Musharaf vote to express in a united manner. The tone of all the 18 mass rallies of APDM was anti Musharaf. The boycott campaign was particularly successful in Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province (NWFP). Here the split in MMA on the question of boycott strategy was the fundamental reason for the victory of Awami National Party (ANP) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

If APDM parties would have taken part in the elections, MMA might have been united. In that case, they might not been humiliated the way they have been now. From 13 percent in 2002 general elections, they have gone down to less than five percent. They cannot play any part in any future government’s formation strategy.

If Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek Insaaf, the Left parties and the nationalist parties of Baluchistan and NWFP who are the main parties behind APDM, were to take part in the general elections, the anti Musharaf vote would have been divided. It may have helped the PMLQ to win some more seats.

It was an all out attack on Musharaf from all fronts. Those boycotting and those participating had one popular slogan in common, “go Musharaf go”.

The advocate’s movement and the courageous stand by the top judges had made Musharaf very unpopular. He did not believed the pre poll surveys, which predicted less than 12 percent support for him.

The defeat of pro Musharaf parties has a lot of parallel to the historic defeat of Bartiya Junta Party (BJP) during the 2004 Indian general elections. The so-called “India shining” sloganeering was repeated by PMLQ during this election campaign by massive advertisements in the electronic and print media. The “development” at the cost of suffering of human beings will never pay back in political terms is a lesson of this humiliated defeat of PMLQ.

PMLQ leader Choudry Shujaat Hussain was so convinced of his development work in his constituency that he slept in the afternoon of the Election Day. He commented on 16 February 2008 to a private television channel GEO, “I have provided electricity to every village of his constituency, there is no need for more campaign”. He lost both seats that he was contesting. He forgot that while he provided electricity to all the villages of his constituency at the cost of other districts but the prices of every day items had not come down but increased tremendously.

The PMLN landslide in Punjab was due to Nawaz Sharif clear stand on the restoration of the judiciary, lowering of prices and no compromise with Musharaf dictatorship. The demand of restoration of top judges is very popular in Punjab particularly where the advocate movement has been more vocal.

Unfortunately, Pakistan Peoples Party of assassinated Benazir Bhutto hesitated on the question and ultimately decided not to support the demand of restoration of judges. It paid the price in Punjab where despite the entire sympathy wave; PPP was unable to capitalize fully the anti Musharaf vote.

Masses have spoken. Now the leaders of PPP and PMLN have to act accordingly. They must demand an immediate resignation of Musharaf. They must take up the restoration question of judges immediately. They must not share power with Musharaf.

They must change the economic priorities of Musharaf era, the implementation of neo liberal agenda. The masses has suffered a lot because of these polices. There has been unprecedented price hike because of the so-called free market policies. Musharaf has acted upon every advice of IMF and World Bank. His tall claim of economic growth stands absolute exposed.

I wrote an article, “Can Musharaf Survive” on 25 January 2008. It starts from this paragraph,

“It seems that Musharaf is on his last leg. He has become the most detested and despicable president in the history of Pakistan. No longer are there progressives, liberals or moderates in his camp. His enlightened moderation has been buried with the passage of time”.

It goes on, “The Pakistan Muslim league Q (PMLQ), Musharaf favorite, is in absolute crisis after the recent shortages of food items, electricity and gas. The PMLQ candidates are the target of anti-Musharaf consciousness. The general perception is that if you are against Musharaf; do not vote for the PMLQ. Following Benazir assassination, the wave of sympathy has opposed the PMLQ. Unless there is an all-out rigging of the election, there is no guarantee that Musharaf supported candidates will win the election. If Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim league Nawaz (PMLN) candidates gain a majority in the next parliament, Musharaf will find very difficult to repeat what he did following the 2002 election, when he bribed many PMLN and PPP parliamentarians to join hands with the PMLQ to form a majority government”.

It ends on this note, “Boycott, or no boycott, the future scenario seems more and more problematic for Musharaf. His departure seems written on the front door of every home”.

We had understood the processes that were going on among the working class in Pakistan. Unfortunately, the Labour Party Pakistan had not the mass basis to bring this anti Musharaf consciousness to its conclusion, the end of capitalism and feudalism and for a Socialist Pakistan.

LPP along with other Left parties will continue to press demands for the total isolation of military from politics. Those responsible for atrocities under military dictatorships be brought in peoples courts, a real accountability for the generals in politics.

The vote on 18 February is vote of no confidence on Musharaf policies. PPP and PMLN must change the course of economic policies of Musharaf. Otherwise, with a brief period of honeymoon, they will be seen as those who have betrayed the wishes of masses.

The parties of the rich and capitalist, the PPP and PMLN have been able to capitalize on anti Musharaf feelings of the masses. They cannot go very far on the dictations of IMF and World Bank. There is no other alternative but to build a party of the working class. That is what Labour Party Pakistan is all about.

Farooq Tariq
spokesperson
Labour Party Pakistan
40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan
Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@yahoo.com www.laborpakistan.org www.jeddojuhd.com

The Labour Party

Roger Silverman writes:-

I am writing to make a belated contribution towards the discussion on the nature of the Labour Party.

It is true that ultra-left sectarians have always impressionistically dismissed the Labour Party as a capitalist party, and that Militant in its day was right to insist that as the political arm of the trade unions, it was the workers’ traditional party, to which they would turn first in their search for a political solution.

It is also true that empirical data about current membership figures, or outrage at successive Labour governments’ foreign policies, are inconsequential in establishing criteria to determine the party’s class character. The degree of popular disillusion reflected in low membership figures at the base of the party, or of corruption, treachery or criminality by the parasites at its head, are not in the end decisive arguments.

On the other hand, it is not enough for Marxists to repeat old formulae which worked decades previously, without looking afresh at living processes. We need to examine whether or not there have been any fundamental qualitative changes which might require a modification of our approach. What fundamental changes have taken place in the Labour Party?

1) The removal from the constitution of the party’s commitment to socialism: Clause 4. It is true that, on its own, such a change need not be decisive in defining a party’s class base. The Bad Godesburg conference in 1959, which carried through a similar change, did not in itself alter the working-class nature of the SPD. And yet the removal of Clause Four represented a historic shift. For decades such a retreat had been resisted tooth and nail. At the very same time as Bad Godesburg, the Labour Party rank and file had forced Hugh Gaitskell to abandon his attempt to take the same route. Gaitskell, a blatant forerunner of Blair, nevertheless had to fight the 1959 election on a programme of wholesale nationalisation. Right up to the 1980s, the party conference was committed to “a fundamental shift in the balance of power and wealth” in society. It was that relentless underlying impulse towards social change that we always based ourselves on. Unlike the sects, we never measured the class nature of the party by the scale of treachery by the leadership. For us, that was predictable. Our assertion of the proletarian nature of the party was based on the socialist aspirations of the membership. The fact that in 1994 Clause Four was dropped with hardly a murmur of protest was a significant fact to be taken into serious consideration. Since then, the “curious behaviour of the dog in the night”, as Sherlock Holmes might have put it – the absence of any significant audible rank-and-file protest against the Blair/Brown government’s policies – itself represents damning evidence of a significant change in the character of the party.

2) The drastic – or rather, the almost total – reduction in the specific weight of the trade unions in the party structure. The weight of trade union block votes at Party conference, trade union representation on the national executive, and above all the very powers of party conference and the national executive, have been reduced virtually to zero. The party leadership in the past owed their authority to the mandate they enjoyed from the trade unions. Today the Labour leadership and Labour MPs are a self-perpetuating clique accountable to no one. So feeble has the rank and file become that it could not even find a means to put up an alternative candidate for the party leadership. It is true that, in the past, whatever trade-union support for reactionary policies was enjoyed by previous party leaders had been prostituted without democratic accountability by corrupt bureaucrats. But today, at least formally speaking and in terms of party structure, the Labour Party is no longer in any sense the political voice of the trade unions. The only relationship which survives is the trade unions’ continued donation of cash, and to that extent the comparison with the US Democratic Party is not inappropriate. The loss of political influence by the trade unions represents another significant change.

3) The attitude towards the Labour Party of big business. In the past, Labour governments were tolerated only at times when capitalism was suffering a severe crisis of authority, and only then under protest and with gritted teeth, for brief periods, and under relentless pressure. Having been swept to power on the crest of a mass wave, which gave them the scope to make genuine reforms, the Attlee government was removed after one and a bit terms of office, and it was thirteen years before Labour regained office. The first Wilson government explicitly objected that it had been dictated to by the “gnomes of Zurich”; it was blackmailed into reversing its policies by a “strike of capital”; and already there was idle talk of a coup led by Cecil King and Lord Mountbatten. The second Wilson government found itself back in power when Britain was paralysed by the miners’ strike and the three-day week, and Heath had called an election on the issue of “who runs Britain: the government or the trade unions?” That government was rocked by economic crisis, runaway inflation, waves of strikes, and terrorist bombings. During its period of office, contingency plans were being openly discussed for the possibility of a Chilean-style military coup, and military manoeuvres were even staged as an overt warning. Big business has a very different attitude towards Blair and Brown. For a decade they quite explicitly patronised New Labour as their preferred instrument of government. They showered donations on New Labour, having until very recently completely abandoned their traditional party the Tories. It is true that recently they seem to have opted tactically for a return to their traditional party of government, but they cheerfully supported a nominally Labour government for an unprecedented three successive terms of office. This indicates another drastic change in the nature of the Labour Party.

4) The political constraints on the party leaders. Yes, in the past the Labour leaders always pursued reactionary and treacherous policies. In the past, however, they always had to be careful to justify themselves in terms of the need for “realism”, “gradualism”, “priorities”, etc. They dared not question the overall goal of a social transformation. When Ramsay MacDonald swung towards direct frontal attacks on the working class, he had no option but to break with the Labour Party and rely on the capitalist parties in a National Government, to pursue policies that New Labour nowadays carries out with relative quiescence from the party rank and file. New Labour politicians show open contempt for even the mildest of the old Fabian aspirations for even the most gradual social change.

None of the factors listed above would categorically rule out the possibility of a return by sections of the working class to the Labour Party at a time of future crisis. What we are obliged to take into account, however, are the following factors:

1) That this might well turn out to be only a part of a wider and more general upsurge, that would also manifest itself outside of the party. As things stand at the moment, the generation under 35, say, to whom the class traditions of past decades are a closed book, would be as likely to think of turning to their local Labour Party branch for a solution to their problems as to their local branch of Tesco’s. This might change, but it is a fact that for the moment memories even of the miners’ strike, which ended less than 25 years ago, let alone the General Strike, have been blotted out of social consciousness.

2) Any influx into the Labour Party would precipitate, not the kind of slicing off of a corrupt bureaucratic crust from a healthy revived organism that we had envisaged in the past, but a very different kind of confrontation between the trade unions and a highly professional machine of smooth pro-business politicians, owing no loyalty and sharing no traditions with the working class. The idea of a mass breakaway by the trade unions to form a party of labour, maybe alongside single-issue anti-capitalist campaigning lobbies, is by no means far-fetched in this scenario.

As I tried to suggest in my piece on how globalisation has affected the working class, the times have changed fundamentally. We have even wider issues to consider than even just the nature of the Labour Party and other such parties. We cannot be too categorical in asserting whether or not the way forward to a revival of workers’ political action will be through a movement to reclaim the Labour Party, or a movement to replace it. What we need to ask ourselves is why so far there have been no noticeable movements through either one of these routes.

We can all be proud of the work that Militant did in the Labour Party, which was exemplary. It turned Trotskyism for the first time for decades into a formidable force to be reckoned with, bringing masses of working-class people into direct confrontation with capitalism; it was explicitly feared by the Labour leaders and by the capitalist state itself; it even brought down a prime minister. Militant pushed entrism to its very limits and achieved spectacular results. The crisis and split in Militant came when it was necessary to decide where to go next.

Today we are in uncharted waters. It is unprecedented for a party to change its class character without a split. It was also unprecedented, however, for a state to change its class character without a civil war… and yet that is what seems to have happened in Russia.

In the UK, trade unionism survives for the moment mostly within a rapidly shrinking public sector. The days when giant industrial factories were run by shop stewards’ committees are long gone. The relocation of the industrial proletariat to new territories has fundamentally changed the international outlook, and, in the long run, by no means for the worse. We are moving now into the era of a truly international working class for the first time in history. As I have suggested elsewhere, it may be to the new industrial territories that we have to look for the birthplace of new workers’ parties and a new international.

Roger Silverman

A Party of the Working Class?

An ongoing discussion on the question of a party of the working class is happening among some of us. The main question being debated is whether a new mass workers’ movement will return to and change and rebuild the old mass workers parties (such as the Social Democratic and Labour Parties) or whether new ones will be built. Attached is a file with some of the comments. Click on the title above to open.

Capitalism at a Turning Point?

Please click on the above title-heading to bring up this article. It was written in connection with a recent socialist conference held in London. The focus of this conference was the developing economic crisis of US and world capitalism. It appears that an entire 25 year period of capitalist history may now be closing. This should be of fundamental interest to all socialists and worker activists. The attached document puts forward an analysis of the basis for this 25-year period and why it appears to be coming to a close, as well as some political conclusions that can be drawn.

This is the weblog of the web forum: socialistdiscussion@yahoogroups.com – a meeting place for dedicated activists acting on their conviction that the world’s workers can and must find a way to rule the planet in the interests of the vast majority of humankind and for the planet’s survival.

The idea of countless millions of people working together towards this goal is impossible to imagine without an organisation. We are not that organisation. We are not even the embryo of such an organisation. We are a tiny group among many who seek to give expression to that need, and wish to discuss how this may come about, as well as reporting back progress and setbacks along the way.

We welcome all comments, remarks, rejoinders, articles, theories, suggestions, arguments and any material designed to help this process along. We are, however, very wary of the crippling effect of sectarianism in all its forms: of dead formulae, doctrinaire sloganising and egoistical posing. We are involved in a very ambitious task, which requires much patience, determination, imagination, flexibility and thoughtfulness. A sense of proportion is necessary (and a sense of humour would not come amiss, either).

That said, you are welcome to join us in what we hope will be a useful exchange of ideas and experiences.

A report from Assaf Adiv of the Israeli Workers Advice Centre

The public support for the teachers strike in Israel seems unprecedented. Also the readiness of the teachers – some of them after 20 and 30 years in schools – to stand in the streets in daily demonstration, creates the feeling of a new spirit. All in all we are faced with a new brand of workers struggle.

The longest teachers’ strike in the history of Israel is no accident. Nor is the fact that 60% of the public supports the strike (according to a Geocartography poll). The Government’s refusal to raise the meager salaries of the teachers in this time of Israeli prosperity looks unfair to many.

The Finance Ministry insists on restricting the budget ceiling to an annual 1.7% increase despite the existence of a surplus and more than 5% growth in 2007. This insistence stands at the heart of the dispute, and it is what makes the teachers’ strike so important: it puts on the agenda a simple question that many in Israel ask today: whose land is it? The New Billionaires’ or the working people’s?

The huge demonstration that took place on the 17th of November in Rabin Square , Tel Aviv, was something that no trade union or social movement in Israel ever organized before. Labor disputes organized by the Histadrut in recent years tend to involve a strike in a particular branch, or even a general strike sometimes, but never have the workers gone into the streets to demonstrate for weeks on end, all over the country. The strong workers’ committees at the airport or the Electricity Company threaten to stop the movement of planes or to cut the power supply, but there has never before been a serious attempt to make the struggle a general one – inclusive of everybody.

Different social struggles (i.e. the handicapped and single mothers who fought against the cuts in the budget, or people who suffer from cancer that demanded an increase in the budget for special treatments) that had a big impact on public opinion in recent years took another form, bringing people to a tent in front of the Prime Minister’s Office for a hunger strike and then wait until the PM comes out and talks to them.

The teachers did it another way. It is unclear whether the decision to step out to the streets was a central one made by the High School Teachers Organization or a spontaneous initiative. What is clear now is that this type of militant, direct-action strike has mobilized tens of thousands of teachers, high school students and the parents’ association, all of whom participate in the daily activities.

The gut feeling that brought so much support to the teachers has to do with the socioeconomic reality in Israel . In recent years Israel ’s economy went global, bringing a big leap in the GNP, foreign investments and eventually a dramatic rise in the elite’s living standard. In comparison, wide layers of the working class remained without union representation. Growing numbers work through personnel companies. The poverty rate has risen, especially among the 1.2 million Arab citizens.

While the eyes of the Finance Ministry, which conducts the negotiations with the teachers, are directed toward the international credit rating agencies, the teachers and many of their supporters were thinking about how to make ends meet. It is no accident that on the same day (Tuesday, Nov. 27) that Standard & Poor’s Rating Services had raised its long-term foreign currency sovereign credit rating for Israel to “A” from “A-”, the ministers of Finance and Education announced in a press conference that they are sending the case back to the Labor Court in a signal that the Government would not yield to the teachers demands.

Three years ago in the midst of former Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s neoliberal reforms, the government put forward a reform plan for the educational system, formulated by a committee headed by businessman Shlomo Dovrat. The essence of the reform was to privatize the system by giving school headmasters powers to manage the budget, hire and fire teachers and even to decide on the curriculum. At the time both teachers unions – the Israeli Teachers Union (ITU) and the High Schools Teachers Organization (HSTO) refused to cooperate. As a result, the reform died.

After the elections in March 2006, the new coalition of parties that formed the government pledged to rectify the blunders of Netanyahu’s period and to lead a policy that was more attuned to the needs of the poor. In reality the coalition of Labor and Kadima, supported by (Ultra Religious) Shas and the Pensioners Party, has done the opposite.

Exploiting the division between the two teachers unions’, the government struck a deal with the HT. This agreement, signed last September and called “New Horizon,” was a mild version of the Dovrat reform that both unions rejected three years ago. In the negotiations between the HSTO and the Government, the “New Horizon” became the yardstick. The teachers are expected to accept the agreement as the basis of everything or get nothing.

The teachers are not fighting for luxuries. Public schools have deteriorated in recent years as a result of government cuts in public spending. According to data supplied by Mr. Shlomo Weinberg, the secretary of the HSTO in the Carmel Region, the education budget was cut in the last 5 years by NIS 4.5 billion. This means that 285,000 hours were slashed from the high schools – about 8.5 hours per week for each student! Moreover, according to Weinberg, the New Horizon agreement gives headmasters extra powers that will result in a break between teachers and headmasters, for the latter will have authority to fire teachers easily.

Mr. Ghazi Ayub, the secretary of the Triangle Region of the HSTO (Arab schools), put it very simply: “We will not accept New Horizon by any means. It is an attempt to bring the Dovrat Reform in through the back door after we threw it away through the front door. We are fighting for conditions that will allow us to attract young teachers to the system with better conditions of work and better salaries.”

WAC, as a new Trade Union Association that aims at building a broad democratic nonsectarian labor movement, supports the strike of the teachers. Together with HSTO, it has organized solidarity meetings in Arab communities.

The stakes are great. The Government sees this fight as a test of its ability to stick to budgetary discipline and not give in to public demands. The teachers have nothing to lose: they reached a level of frustration and a feeling of degradation so deep that they prefer to lose their jobs rather than return to work under the old conditions.

At the moment of this writing (28.11.07), the struggle seems at a stalemate. The support HSTO has gained, and the amazing energies of its members and their students, could prove to be a new beginning for a social movement in Israel . We at WAC will do whatever we can to materialize this promise, so that Arab and Jewish teachers and students, as well as all workers, can find new ways of organizing and fighting to create a future for all.

For more information go to WAC’s website or contact us at: maan@maan.org.il or assafa@maan.org.il

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